I want you to take a look at this baby. What you're drawn to are her eyes and the skin you love to touch. But today I'm going to talk to you about something you can't see. What's going on up in that little brain of hers. The modern tools of neuroscience are demonstrating to us that what's going on up there is nothing short of rocket science. And what we're learning is going to shed some light on what the romantic writers and poets described as the "celestial openness" of the child's mind.
Bu chaqaloqqa e'tiboringizni qarating. Sizning e'tiboringizni jalb qilgan narsa chaqaloqning ko'zlari va siz ushlashni yaxshi ko'radigan terisi. Bugun esa, sizlar ko'ra olmaydigan narsa haqida gapirmoqchiman, bu chaqaloqning kichkina miyasida nimalar sodir bo'layotgani haqida gapiraman. Bu miyada sodir bo'laytigan narsalar raketashunoslik ilmidan hech ham kam emasligini bizga nevrologiyaning zamonaviy asboblari ko'rsatib beryapdi. Va biz o'rganayotganimiz romantik yozuvchi va shoirlar bolaning fikridagi "samoviy yorqinlik" deb tasvirlagan holat haqida tushuncha beradi.
What we see here is a mother in India, and she's speaking Koro, which is a newly discovered language. And she's talking to her baby. What this mother -- and the 800 people who speak Koro in the world -- understands is that, to preserve this language, they need to speak it to the babies. And therein lies a critical puzzle. Why is it that you can't preserve a language by speaking to you and I, to the adults? Well, it's got to do with your brain. What we see here is that language has a critical period for learning. The way to read this slide is to look at your age on the horizontal axis.
Ko'rib turganingiz Hindistondagi ona, u yangi kashf qilingan til - Koro tilida gapiryapdi. Va u chaqalog'iga gapiryapdi. Bu ona va Koro tilida gapiradigan dunyodagi 800 ta odamlar -- bu tilni saqlab qolish uchun chaqaloqlariga shu tilda gapirish kerakligini biladilar. Bunda dolzarb jumboq bor. Nima uchun siz o'zingizga va menga, ya'ni o'smirlarga, gapirish orqali tilni saqlay olmaysiz? Ho'p, bu miyangizga bog'liqdir. Tilni o'rganish uchun dolzarb davr borligini bu yerda ko'rib turibmiz. Bu sahifani o'qish usuli gorizontal chziqdagi yoshingizga qarashdir.
(Laughter)
(Kulgi)
And you'll see on the vertical your skill at acquiring a second language. The babies and children are geniuses until they turn seven, and then there's a systematic decline. After puberty, we fall off the map. No scientists dispute this curve, but laboratories all over the world are trying to figure out why it works this way.
Va vertikal chiziqda ikkinchi tilni o'rganishga bo'lgan qobiliyatingizni ko'rasiz. Chaqaloqlar va yosh bolalar yetti yoshga chiqquncha dahodirlar, undan so'ngra muntazam ravishda sustlashish bo'ladi. Yetuklikdan so'ng, mashhurlikni yo'qotamiz. Hech qaysi olimlar bu qiyalik haqida bahs qilmaydi, ammo butun dunyodagi laboratoriyalar buning nima uchun bunday usulda ishlashini aniqlashga harakat qilmoqdalar.
Work in my lab is focused on the first critical period in development, and that is the period in which babies try to master which sounds are used in their language. We think, by studying how the sounds are learned, we'll have a model for the rest of language, and perhaps for critical periods that may exist in childhood for social, emotional and cognitive development. So we've been studying the babies using a technique that we're using all over the world and the sounds of all languages. The baby sits on a parent's lap, and we train them to turn their heads when a sound changes -- like from "ah" to "ee." If they do so at the appropriate time, the black box lights up and a panda bear pounds a drum. A six-monther adores the task.
Mening laboratoriyamdagi ish rivojlanishdagi birinchi dolzarb davrga e'tibor beradi -- va ayni o'sha davrda chaqaloqlar o'zlarining tilida qaysi tovushlar ishlatilishini o'rganishga harakat qiladilar. Bizning fikrimizcha, chaqaloqlar tovushlarni qanday o'rganishini o'rganishimiz oqrali tilning boshqa rivojlanishiga nushamiz bo'ladi. Balki, shu bilan birga muomala, hissiyot va ong rivojlanishi uchun bolalikdagi dolzarb davrlarga ham nushamiz bo'ladi. Shunday qilib, biz butun dunyoda qo'llayotgan usul bilan chaqaloqlarni va hamma tillardagi tovushlarni o'rganyapmiz. Chaqaloq ota yoki onasining tizzasida o'tiradi va biz ularni tovush o'zgarganda, masalan, "ah" dan "ee" ga, -- masalan, "ah" dan "ee" Agar ular o'z vaqtida shunday boshini burishsa, qora quti yorib ketadi va panda ayig'i baraban chaladi. Olti oylik chaqaloq bu vazifani juda sevadi.
What have we learned? Well, babies all over the world are what I like to describe as "citizens of the world." They can discriminate all the sounds of all languages, no matter what country we're testing and what language we're using, and that's remarkable because you and I can't do that. We're culture-bound listeners. We can discriminate the sounds of our own language, but not those of foreign languages. So the question arises: When do those citizens of the world turn into the language-bound listeners that we are? And the answer: before their first birthdays. What you see here is performance on that head-turn task for babies tested in Tokyo and the United States, here in Seattle, as they listened to "ra" and "la" -- sounds important to English, but not to Japanese. So at six to eight months, the babies are totally equivalent. Two months later, something incredible occurs. The babies in the United States are getting a lot better, babies in Japan are getting a lot worse, but both of those groups of babies are preparing for exactly the language that they are going to learn.
Ho'sh, bundan nima o'rgandik? Butun dunyodagi chaqaloqlar, mening tasvirlashimcha, dunyo fuqarolaridir; biz buni qaysi davlatda tekshirayotganimiz va qaysi tilni ishlatayotganimizdan qat'iy nazar chaqaloqlar hamma tillardagi hamma tovushlarni ajrata oladilar. Bu juda ham hayratlanarli, chunki siz va men buni bajara olmaymiz. Bizlar madaniyatga bo'glanib tinglaguvchilarmiz. Bizlar chet tillaridagi tovushlarni emas, faqat o'z tilimizdagi tovushlarni ajarata olamiz. Ho'sh, shunday savol keladi: dunyoning shu fuqarolari qachon tilga bog'liq tinglovchilarga aylanadi? Javob esa bunday: birinchi tug'ilgan kunlaridan avval. Mana bu ko'rib turganingiz Tokyo va AQSH dagi Seattle shahrida, yapon tili emas, balki ingliz tili uchun muhim bo'lgan "ra" va "la" tovushlarini tinglaganda, chaqaloqlarning boshni burish bo'yicha bajargan vazifasi. Olti oylikdan sakkiz oylikkacha bo'lgan chaqaloqlar butunlay bir xil. Ikki oy keyin hayratlanarli narsa sodir bo'ladi. AQSH dagi chaqaloqlar bu vazifani ancha yaxshi bajara boshlaydilar, Yaponiyadagi chaqaloqlar esa ancha yomon bajaradilar, lekin chaqaloqlarning bu ikkala guruhi ham ayni o'zlari o'rganmoqchi bo'lgan tilga tayyorlanyar.
So the question is: What's happening during this critical two-month period? This is the critical period for sound development, but what's going on up there? So there are two things going on. The first is that the babies are listening intently to us, and they're taking statistics as they listen to us talk -- they're taking statistics. So listen to two mothers speaking motherese -- the universal language we use when we talk to kids -- first in English and then in Japanese.
Ho'sh, savol bunday, bu muhim ikki oy mobaynida nima sodir bo'lyapdi? Bu tovush rivojlanishi uchun juda dolzarb davr, ammo u yerda nima sodir bo'lyapdi? U yerda ikkita narsa sodir bo'lyapdi. Birinchisi chaqaloqlar bizlarni biror maqsad bilan tinglayapdi, ular bizlarning gapirishimizni tinglab, statistik ma'lumot olyapdilar -- ha, ular statistic ma'lumot olyapdilar. Chaqaloqlarning tilida gapirayotgan ikkita onaning gapini eshiting -- bu biz yosh bolalar bilan gaplashadigan umumiy til -- birinchisi ingliz tilida va keyingisi yapon tilida.
(Video) Ah, I love your big blue eyes -- so pretty and nice.
(Video) Ingliz ona: Oh, sening katta moviy ko'zlaringni sevaman -- naqadar go'zal va ajoyib,
(Japanese)
yapon ona: (yaponchada)
Patricia Kuhl: During the production of speech, when babies listen, what they're doing is taking statistics on the language that they hear. And those distributions grow. And what we've learned is that babies are sensitive to the statistics, and the statistics of Japanese and English are very, very different. English has a lot of Rs and Ls. The distribution shows. And the distribution of Japanese is totally different, where we see a group of intermediate sounds, which is known as the Japanese "R." So babies absorb the statistics of the language and it changes their brains; it changes them from the citizens of the world to the culture-bound listeners that we are. But we as adults are no longer absorbing those statistics. We are governed by the representations in memory that were formed early in development.
Patricia Kuhl: Nutq hosil qilish paytida, chaqaloqlar tinglaganida, ular eshitayotgan tili haqida statistic ma'lumotlar olyapdilar. Bu masofalar ortib boraveradi. Biz chaqaloqlarning statistik ma'lumotga e'tiborchan ekanligini anglab yetdik, yapon va ingliz tillarining statistikasi esa bir biridadn juda, juda farq qiladi. Bu chizma-masofa ko'rsatishi bo'yicha ingliz tilida ko'p R va L tovushlari bor. Yapon tilidagi tovushlarning tarqalishi butunlay boshqacha, Yaponcha R deb ma'lum bo'lgan, bir necha o'rta tovushlar borligini ko'rib turibmiz. Shunday qilib, chaqaloqlar tilning statistikasini ongiga singdirib oladilar va bu ularning miyalarini o'zgartiradi; ularni dunyo fuqarolaridan huddi biz kabi madaniyatga bog'langan tinglovchilarga aylantiradi. Ammo, biz o'smirlar ana o'sha statistikani bundan buyon ongimizga singdirmayapmiz. Chunki ongimizda rivojlanishning ilk davrida shakllangan tushunchalar bizlarni boshqaradi.
So what we're seeing here is changing our models of what the critical period is about. We're arguing from a mathematical standpoint that the learning of language material may slow down when our distributions stabilize. It's raising lots of questions about bilingual people. Bilinguals must keep two sets of statistics in mind at once and flip between them, one after the other, depending on who they're speaking to.
Mana bu ko'rib turganimiz esa til rivojlanishi uchun dolzarb davr nima haqidaligi bo'yicha modelimizni o'zgartiryapdi. Matematik nuqtai nazardan muhokama qilishimiz bo'yicha bu chizmadagi masofamiz bir tekis bo'lganda til o'rganish sekinlashishi mumkin. Bu esa ikki tilda gapiruvchi insonlar haqida ko'p savollarni keltirib chiqaradi. Ikki tilda gapiruvchi insonlar bir paytning o'zida ikkita statistikani onglarida saqlashi shart va kim bilan gaplashayotganligiga qarab, bitta statistikadan keyin boshqasini almashtirishlari kerak.
So we asked ourselves, can the babies take statistics on a brand new language? And we tested this by exposing American babies who'd never heard a second language to Mandarin for the first time during the critical period. We knew that, when monolinguals were tested in Taipei and Seattle on the Mandarin sounds, they showed the same pattern. Six to eight months, they're totally equivalent. Two months later, something incredible happens. But the Taiwanese babies are getting better, not the American babies. What we did was expose American babies, during this period, to Mandarin. It was like having Mandarin relatives come and visit for a month and move into your house and talk to the babies for 12 sessions. Here's what it looked like in the laboratory.
Biz o'zimizga shunday savol berdik, chaqaloqlar butunlay yangi tilning statistikasini qabul qila oladilarmi? Buni hech qachon ikkinchi til eshitmagan Amerikalik chaqaloqlarni til rivojlanishining dolzarb paytida ilk bor Mandarin tilini eshittirish orqali sinab ko'rdik. Taipei va Seattleda Mandarin tilining tovushlari bo'yicha bir tilda gapiruvchilarni tekshirganimizda ular huddi shunday nusxani ko'rsatdi. 6-8 oyliklar butunlay bir xil. Ikki oy so'ngra, g'aroyib narsa sodir bo'ladi. Amerikalik chaqaloqlar emas, balki taiwanlik chaqaloqlar tovushlarni ancha yaxshi ajratyapdi. Shu davrda Amerikalik chaqaloqlarga Mandarin tilini eshitdirdik. Bu huddi mandarin tilida gapiruvchi qarindoshlarning sizni ko'rishga bir oyga kelib, uyingizga ko'chib kelib, chaqaloqlarga 12 dars mobaynida gapirishi kabidir. Mana bu laboratoriyadagi ko'rinishi.
(Mandarin)
(Video) Mandarin tilida gapiruvchi: (Mandarin)
PK: So what have we done to their little brains?
PK: Ho'sh, chaqaloqlarning kichkina miyalariga nima qildik>
(Laughter)
(Kulgi)
We had to run a control group to make sure that coming into the laboratory didn't improve your Mandarin skills. So a group of babies came in and listened to English. And we can see from the graph that exposure to English didn't improve their Mandarin. But look at what happened to the babies exposed to Mandarin for 12 sessions. They were as good as the babies in Taiwan who'd been listening for 10 and a half months. What it demonstrated is that babies take statistics on a new language. Whatever you put in front of them, they'll take statistics on.
Shunchaki laboratoriyaga kelish Mandarin tiliga bo'lgan qobiliyatingizni rivojlantirmayotganligiga ishonch hosil qilish uchun qiyosiy nazorat guruhini ham sinab ko'rdik. Bir guruh chaqaloqlar kelib, ingliz tilini tinglashdi. Bu chizmadan ko'rib turganimizdek ingliz tilini eshitish ularning mandarin tilini rivojlantirmadi. Lekin 12 martalik muddatda mandarin tilini eshitgan chaqaloqlarga nima bo'lganiga e'tibor bering. Ular Taiwan (Taivan) dagi 10 yarim oy mobaynida mandarin tilini eshitayotgan chaqaloqlardek yaxshi bilardi. Bu esa chaqaloqlarning yangi til statistikasini o'zlashtirib olishini ko'rsatib berdi. Chaqaloqlarning oldiga nima qo'ysangiz ham, ular narsalarning statistikasini o'zlashtirib oladi.
But we wondered what role the human being played in this learning exercise. So we ran another group of babies in which the kids got the same dosage, the same 12 sessions, but over a television set. And another group of babies who had just audio exposure and looked at a teddy bear on the screen. What did we do to their brains? What you see here is the audio result -- no learning whatsoever -- and the video result -- no learning whatsoever. It takes a human being for babies to take their statistics. The social brain is controlling when the babies are taking their statistics.
Ammo, bu o'rganish jarayonida inson qanday vazifa bajarganligi bizni qiziqtirdi. Buni bilish uchun, boshqa bir guruh chaqaloqlar bir xil miqdordagi, ya'ni huddi avalgidek 12 martalik muddatda televizor ko'rib, tilni eshitishdi va boshqa bir guruh chaqaloqlar esa faqatgina tovushlarni o'zini eshitdi va ekrandagi ayiqchani tomosha qilishdi. Biz ularning miyasiga nima qildik? Ko'rib turganingiz faqat tinglashning natijasi -- hech qanday o'rganish sodir bo'lmadi -- va video bilan eshitish natijasi -- hech qanday o'rganish sodir bo'lmadi. Chaqaloqlar statistikani anglab yetishlari uchun insonning hizmati kerak. Chaqaloqlar statistikani o'zlashtirayotganlarida ijtimoiy miya boshqarib turadi.
We want to get inside the brain and see this thing happening as babies are in front of televisions, as opposed to in front of human beings. Thankfully, we have a new machine, magnetoencephalography, that allows us to do this. It looks like a hair dryer from Mars. But it's completely safe, completely noninvasive and silent. We're looking at millimeter accuracy with regard to spatial and millisecond accuracy using 306 SQUIDs -- these are superconducting quantum interference devices -- to pick up the magnetic fields that change as we do our thinking. We're the first in the world to record babies in an MEG machine while they are learning.
Chaqaloqlar televizorning oldida bo'lganlarida, so'ngra insonlarning oldida bo'lgan paytida chaqaloqlarning miyasini tekshirib, u yerda bu narsaning sodir bo'layotganini ko'ramiz. Yaxhsiyamki, bizga bu ishni bajarimizga imkon beradigan yangi asbob, magnitoensefalograf bor. Bu Marsdan kelgan soch qurituvchi asbobga o'xshaydi. Lekin bu umuman xavfsiz, kesuvchi emas va shovqinsiz. Biz masofaga nisbatan millimetrning aniqligiga va 306 SQUID dan foydalangan holda millisoniya aniqligiga qaraypamiz, bular (ya'ni SQUID) - yuzadan o'tuvchi kvantum interferensiya asboblari -- bular biz o'ylagan sayin o'zgaradigan magnit sohalarini aniqlab oladi. Dunyoda eng avval biz magnitoensefalograf asbobi yordamida chaqaloqlarni o'rganayotgan paytida tekshiryapmiz.
So this is little Emma. She's a six-monther. And she's listening to various languages in the earphones that are in her ears. You can see, she can move around. We're tracking her head with little pellets in a cap, so she's free to move completely unconstrained. It's a technical tour de force. What are we seeing? We're seeing the baby brain. As the baby hears a word in her language, the auditory areas light up, and then subsequently areas surrounding it that we think are related to coherence, getting the brain coordinated with its different areas, and causality, one brain area causing another to activate.
Mana bu jajji Emma. U olti oylik. U qulog'iga taqib olgan eshitish asboblari bilan har xil tillarni eshityapdi. Ko'rib turganingizdek, u bemalol harakat qila oladi. shapkadagi kichkina sharchalar bilan uning boshining harakatini kuzatib turibmiz, u esa butunlay erkin harakat qilishi mumkin. Bu texnologik qobiliyat. Nimani ko'ryapmiz? Chaqaloqning miyasini ko'ryapmiz. Chaqaloq ona tilidagi so'zni eshitishi bilan eshitish sohalari ochiladi, keyin esa uning atrofidagi sohalar, ya'ni miyaning atrofidagi har xil sohalari bilan bog'laydigan sohalarini va miyaning bir sohasi boshqa birini harakatga keltiruvchi qismlarini harakatga keltiradi.
We are embarking on a grand and golden age of knowledge about child's brain development. We're going to be able to see a child's brain as they experience an emotion, as they learn to speak and read, as they solve a math problem, as they have an idea. And we're going to be able to invent brain-based interventions for children who have difficulty learning. Just as the poets and writers described, we're going to be able to see, I think, that wondrous openness, utter and complete openness, of the mind of a child. In investigating the child's brain, we're going to uncover deep truths about what it means to be human, and in the process, we may be able to help keep our own minds open to learning for our entire lives.
Biz chaqaloq miyasining rivojlanishi haqidagi ilmning ulkan va oltin asriga kelyapmiz. Chaqaloq his tuyg'u sezgan, gapirish va o'qishni o'rgangan, matematika masalasini yechgan va fikrga ega bo'lgan paytlarida biz chaqaloqning miyasini ko'ra olamiz. O'rganishga qiynalgan bolalar uchun miyaga asoslangan o'rganishga yordam berish usullarini kashf qilishga imkoniyatimiz bo'ladi. Huddi shoir va yozuvchilar tasvirlaganidek, mening fikrimcha, biz ham bolaning ongidagi o'sha ajoyib ochiqlikni, mukammal va cheksiz ochiqlikni ko'ra olamiz. Bolaning miyasini o'rganish bilan, biz inson bo'lish nima ekanligi haqidagi chuqur haqiqatni bila olamiz, shu bilan birga butun hayotimiz davomida ongimizni ilm uchun, o'rganish uchun ochiq saqlay olishimizga imkoniyatimiz bo'lishi mumkin.
Thank you.
Rahmat.
(Applause)
(Qarsaklar)