Well, first of all, let me thank Emeka -- as a matter of fact, TED Global -- for putting this conference together. This conference is going to rank as the most important in the beginning of the 21st century. Think African governments will put together a conference like this? You think the A.U. will put together a conference like this? Even before they do that they will ask for foreign aid. I would also like to pay homage and honor to the TED Fellows June Arunga, James Shikwati, Andrew, and the other TED Fellows. I call them the Cheetah Generation. The Cheetah Generation is a new breed of Africans who brook no nonsense about corruption. They understand what accountability and democracy is. They're not going to wait for government to do things for them. That's the Cheetah Generation, and Africa's salvation rests on the backs of these Cheetahs. In contrast, of course, we have the Hippo Generation.
首先,我要感谢依米卡——也就是 TED环球——召开了这个会议。 此次会议将成为 21世纪初的头等大事。 你能想象非洲政府会召开这样一个会议吗? 你能想象非洲联盟(A.U.)会召开这样一个会议吗? 甚至就算要召开,他们也会先要求外国援助。 我还想向TED的同仁们致敬—— 珠恩•阿荣咖,詹姆斯•史克瓦提,安德鲁,以及其他TED同仁们。 我称他们是“猎豹族”。 猎豹族是一种新的非洲人。 他们绝不容忍腐败。 他们懂得什么是责任和民主。 他们不会坐等政府为他们做事。 这就是猎豹族。 而拯救非洲的任务就担负在这些猎豹族的身上。 当然了,我们还有河马族。
(Laughter)
(笑声)
The Hippo Generation are the ruling elites. They are stuck in their intellectual patch. Complaining about colonialism and imperialism, they wouldn't move one foot. If you ask them to reform the economies, they're not going to reform it because they benefit from the rotten status quo. Now, there are a lot of Africans who are very angry, angry at the condition of Africa. Now, we're talking about a continent that is not poor. It is rich in mineral resources, natural mineral resources. But the mineral wealth of Africa is not being utilized to lift its people out of poverty. That's what makes a lot of Africans very angry. And in a way, Africa is more than a tragedy, in more ways than one. There's another enduring tragedy, and that tragedy is that there are so many people, so many governments, so many organizations who want to help the people in Africa. They don't understand. Now, we're not saying don't help Africa. Helping Africa is noble. But helping Africa has been turned into a theater of the absurd. It's like the blind leading the clueless.
河马族就是当权的精英们。 他们固守自己的思想领地。 抱怨殖民主义和帝国主义—— 他们不肯挪动半步。 如果你要求他们改革经济, 他们是不会去做的。 因为他们正从这腐朽的现状中获益。 现在,有很多非洲人都非常愤怒, 对非洲的现状感到愤怒。 我们所谈论的这个大陆并不贫瘠。 它拥有丰富的矿产资源,天然的矿产资源。 但是非洲的矿产没有被用来 使她的人民摆脱贫穷。 就是这令很多非洲人非常愤怒。 而且从某方面看,非洲不仅是一个悲剧,她是更多。 还有另外一个悲剧正在上演,那就是 很多的人们,很多政府, 很多组织,他们想帮助非洲人民—— 却不了解非洲人民。 在这里我们并不是说,不要援助非洲。 援助非洲是高尚的行为。 但是援助非洲已经演变为一个荒唐的闹剧。 就好像盲人领着笨蛋。
(Laughter)
(笑声)
There are certain things that we need to recognize. Africa's begging-bowl leaks. Did you know that 40 percent of the wealth created in Africa is not invested here in Africa? It's taken out of Africa. That's what the World Bank says. Look at Africa's begging-bowl. It leaks horribly. There are people who think that we should pour more money, more aid into this bowl which leaks. What are the leakages? Corruption alone costs Africa 148 billion dollars a year. Yes, put that aside. Capital flight out of Africa, 80 billion a year. Put that aside. Let's take food imports. Every year Africa spends 20 billion dollars to import food. Just add that up, all these leakages. That's far more than the 50 billion Tony Blair wants to raise for Africa. Now, back in the 1960s Africa not only fed itself, it also exported food. Not anymore.
有些事我们必须承认。 非洲的讨饭碗是漏的。 你知道吗,非洲创造的40%的财富, 并没有投入在非洲。 而是被拿出非洲。 这是世界银行说的。 看看非洲的讨饭碗吧。 它漏得厉害。 有些人认为我们应该将更多的钱, 更多的援助倾倒在这个碗里,这个漏碗里。 它漏到哪里去了? 腐败问题消耗非洲每年1480亿美元。 好,除此以外, 非洲的资本外逃每年800亿美元。 除此以外, 让我们看看食品进口。 每年,非洲花费200亿美元进口食品。 加在起来,所有漏出来的 已经远远超过了托尼•布莱尔想为非洲筹集的500亿美元。 现在回到20世纪60年代,非洲不仅养活了自己, 还出口食品。 此景不再。
We know that something has gone fundamentally wrong. You know it, I know it, but let's not waste our time talking about these mistakes because we'll spend all day here. Let's move on, and flip over to the next chapter, and that's what this conference is all about -- the next chapter. The next chapter begins with first of all, asking ourselves this fundamental question, "Whom do we want to help in Africa?" There is the people, and then there is the government or leaders. Now, the previous speaker before me, Idris Mohammed, indicated that we've had abysmal leadership in Africa. That characterization, in my view, is even more charitable.
我们知道有些事情从根本上就错了。 你知我也知,但是就别浪费时间,别浪费我们的时间 去谈论这些错误了,因为那会花上我们一整天。 让我们继续,跳到下一章, 而这才是此次会议的内容——下一章。 下一章首先从问我们自己开始, 问一个最根本的问题, “我们想帮助非洲的哪些人?” 这里有普通民众,然后也有政府或领导者们。 现在,在我之前的那位演讲者, 伊迪利斯•默罕默德指出, 我们非洲的领导阶层非常糟糕。 这种说法在我看来实在太和善了。
(Laughter)
(笑声)
I belong to an Internet discussion forum, an African Internet discussion forum, and I asked them, I said, "Since 1960, we've had exactly 204 African heads of state, since 1960." And I asked them to name me just 20 good leaders, just 20 good leaders -- you may want to take this leadership challenge yourself. I asked them to name me just 20. Everybody mentioned Nelson Mandela, of course. Kwame Nkrumah, Nyerere, Kenyatta -- somebody mentioned Idi Amin.
我加入了一个网上的论坛, 一个非洲的网上论坛。 我问他们,我说,“1960年以来,我们一共有 204位非洲政府领导人,自1960年以来。” 然后我让他们举出20位好的领导人, 只是20位好领导人——也许 你可能自己也想试试回答这个问题。 我让他们告诉我20个名字。 每个人都提到了纳尔逊•曼德拉,这是当然的了。 恩克鲁玛,尼雷尔,肯亚塔——还有人提到了阿敏。
(Laughter)
(笑声)
I let that pass.
我算他是一个好了。
(Laughter)
(笑声)
My point is, they couldn't go beyond 15. Even if they had been able to name me 20, what does that tell you? 20 out of 204 means that the vast majority of the African leaders failed their people. And if you look at them, the slate of the post-colonial leaders -- an assortment of military fufu heads, Swiss-bank socialists, crocodile liberators, vampire elites, quack revolutionaries.
我想说的是,他们超不过15个。 就算他们能告诉我20个名字, 那说明什么? 204位中的20位,说明多数,绝大多数的 非洲领导人令他们的人民失望。 如果你看看他们,看看后殖民时代的领导人名单—— 一些军队背景的福福兔子们(美国儿歌里欺负田鼠的兔子,屡教不改) 瑞士银行的社会主义者,鳄鱼一样的解救者,吸血鬼精英们, 江湖骗子改革家们。
(Applause)
(掌声)
Now, this leadership is a far cry from the traditional leaders that Africans have known for centuries. The second false premise that we make when we're trying to help Africa is that sometimes we think that there is something called a government in Africa that cares about its people, serves the interests of the people, and represents the people. There is one particular quote -- a Lesotho chief once said that "Here in Lesotho, we've got two problems: rats and the government."
现在这些领导人非常不同于那些 非洲人已了解了几个世纪的传统领导人。 我们所做的第二个错误的假设就是 当我们努力援助非洲时, 有时我们以为在非洲存在着所谓的 政府,它会关心它的人民, 为人民的利益服务,作为人民的代表。 这里引用莱索托一位酋长的话, “在莱索托,我们有两大难题—— 老鼠和政府。”
(Laughter)
(笑声)
What you and I understand as a government doesn't exist in many African countries. In fact, what we call our governments are vampire states. Vampires because they suck the economic vitality out of their people. Government is the problem in Africa. A vampire state is the government -- (Applause) -- which has been hijacked by a phalanx of bandits and crooks who use the instruments of state power to enrich themselves, their cronies, and tribesmen and exclude everybody else. The richest people in Africa are heads-of-state and ministers, and quite often the chief bandit is the head-of-state himself. Where do they get their money? By creating wealth? No. By raking it off the backs of their suffering people. That's not wealth creation. It's wealth redistribution.
很多非洲国家 是不存在你我所理解的那种政府的。 事实上,我们叫自己的政府是吸血鬼国家。 称它为吸血鬼是因为他们 从自己人民身上吸取经济活力。 政府就是非洲的难题。 吸血鬼国家就是政府—— (掌声) ——被一大群土匪和窃贼劫持, 他们利用国家的权力工具为自己、 为他们的亲友和部族牟利,而把其他人排除在外。 非洲最富有的人是政府首脑和部长, 而且最大的土匪往往就是国家元首自己。 他们的钱是从哪来的? 是通过创造财富吗? 不。 是从他们受苦受难的人民身上搜刮来的。 这不是财富的创造,而是财富的再分配。
The third fundamental issue that we have to recognize is that if we want to help the African people, we must know where the African people are. Take any African economy. An African economy can be broken up into three sectors. There is the modern sector, there is the informal sector and the traditional sector. The modern sector is the abode of the elites. It's the seat of government. In many African countries the modern sector is lost. It's dysfunctional. It is a meretricious fandango of imported systems, which the elites themselves don't understand. That is the source of many of Africa's problems where the struggles for political power emanate and then spill over onto the informal and the traditional sector, claiming innocent lives.
我们必须要认识到的第三个问题是 如果我们想援助非洲人民 我们必须知道非洲人民在哪儿? 拿随便一个非洲经济体举例。 一个非洲经济体可以分成三个地区。 现代地区,非官方地区, 以及传统地区。 现代地区就是精英们的地盘。 也就是政府所在地。 在很多非洲国家,现代地区都沦陷了。 无法发挥作用。 它只是外来体系华而不实、花里胡哨的闹剧, 对此精英们自己并不了解。 这就是非洲困难的根源, 对政治权力的争夺就从这里开始, 然后扩散到非官方地区和传统地区, 以至于草菅人命。
Now the modern sector, of course, is where a lot of the development aid and resources went into. More than 80 percent of Ivory Coast's development went into the modern sector. The other sectors, the informal and the traditional sectors, are where you find the majority of the African people, the real people in Africa. That's where you find them. Now, obviously it makes common sense that if you want to help the people, you go where the people are. But that's not what we did. As a matter of fact, we neglected the informal and the traditional sectors. Now, traditional sector is where Africa produces its agriculture, which is one of the reasons why Africa can't feed itself, and that's why it must import food.
当然了,而现代地区 获得了大量的发展援助和资源。 象牙海岸经济收益80%以上 都进入了现代地区。 而恰恰是在其他地区,非官方地区和传统地区, 你才能找到大多数的非洲人民。 真正的非洲人民——是在这些地方。 那么,显然我们达成一个共识, 如果你想帮助这些人,你就要去到这些人所在的地方。 但我们却不是这样做的。 事实上, 我们忽视了非官方地区和传统地区。 现在,传统地区生产着非洲的农产品, 这也是非洲不能养活自己的原因之一, 这就是为什么非洲必须进口食品。
All right, you cannot develop Africa by ignoring the informal and the traditional sectors. And you can't develop the informal and the traditional sectors without an operational understanding of how these two sectors work. These two sectors, let me describe to you, have their own indigenous institutions. First one is the political system. Traditionally, Africans hate governments. They hate tyranny. If you look into their traditional systems, Africans organize their states in two types. The first one belongs to those ethnic societies who believe that the state was necessarily tyrannous, so they didn't want to have anything to do with any centralized authority. These societies are the Ibo, the Somali, the Kikuyus, for example. They have no chiefs.
好,你要发展非洲,就不能无视 非官方地区和传统地区。 而你也无法发展非官方和传统地区, 除非你切实地理解了这两个地区是如何运作的。 这两个地区,让我给你们讲讲, 有其土生土长的机构和惯例。 第一是政治体系。 传统上,非洲人痛恨政府——他们痛恨暴政。 如果你观察他们的传统体系, 非洲人以两种方式组织他们的国家。 第一种属于部落社会, 他们认为国家必然是暴虐的, 所以他们完全不希望建立 任何中央集权的政府。 这些部落,例如伊博人(尼日利亚东南部),索马里人,基库尤人(肯尼亚), 他们没有任何酋长。
The other ethnic groups, which did have chiefs, made sure that they surrounded the chiefs with councils upon councils upon councils to prevent them from abusing their power. In Ashanti tradition, for example, the chief cannot make any decision without the concurrence of the council of elders. Without the council the chief can't pass any law, and if the chief doesn't govern according to the will of the people he will be removed. If not, the people will abandon the chief, go somewhere else and set up a new settlement. And even if you look in ancient African empires, they were all organized around one particular principle -- the confederacy principle, which is characterized by a great deal of devolution of authority, decentralization of power.
而其他有酋长的部落, 则确保围绕着这些酋长建立起 一层又一层的委员会, 以防止酋长滥用职权。 例如,在阿善提人(非洲西部)的传统中, 酋长不能做任何决定, 除非是长老议会一致同意。 没有议会,酋长不能通过任何法律, 而且如果酋长不按照人民的意愿统治, 他就会被赶下台。 否则,人民就会离弃这个酋长。 到别的地方建立一个新的聚居地。 甚至你看古代的非洲帝国, 他们都是围绕一个特别的原则建立的—— 那就是联盟的原则, 其特征就是很大程度的授权, 分权制。
Now, this is what I have described to you. This is part of Africa's indigenous political heritage. Now, compare that to the modern systems the ruling elites established on Africa. It is a total far cry. In the economic system in traditional Africa, the means of production is privately owned. It's owned by extended families. You see, in the West, the basic economic and social unit is the individual. The American will say, "I am because I am, and I can damn well do anything I want, anytime." The accent is on the "I." In Africa, the Africans say, "I am, because we are." The "we" connotes community -- the extended family system. The extended family system pools its resources together.
这就是我向你们描述的, 一些非洲固有的政治传统。 现在,把这个传统和现在当权的精英阶层 在非洲建立的整体体系相比, 它们相差太远了。 在传统非洲的经济体系中, 生产工具是私有的。 由一个大家族所拥有。 你看,在西方,最基本的经济和社会单位 是个人。 美国人会说,“我就是我, 任何时候,我他妈想干啥就干啥。” 重点在于“我”。 在非洲,非洲人则说,“我是我,因为我们。” 这个“我们”所指的的是社群——就是大的家族体系。 大的家族体系将他所有的资源放在一起。
They own farms. They decide what to do, what to produce. They don't take any orders from their chiefs. They decide what to do. And when they produce their crops, they sell the surplus on marketplaces. When they make a profit it is theirs to keep, not for the chief to sequester it from them. So, in a nutshell, what we had in traditional Africa was a free-market system. There were markets in Africa before the colonialists stepped foot on the continent. Timbuktu was one great big market town. Kano, Salaga -- they were all there. Even if you go to West Africa, you notice that market activity in West Africa has always been dominated by women. So, it's quite appropriate that this section is called a marketplace. The market is not alien to Africa.
他们拥有农场。他们决定干什么,生产什么。 他们才不听酋长的命令—— 他们自己决定自己干什么。 当他们种植庄稼, 在市场上出售自己的剩余产品, 他们挣到的钱归他们所有, 而不是让酋长从他们身上压榨出来。 所以,总而言之,传统非洲所拥有的 是一个自由市场体系。 非洲是有市场的, 早在殖民者踏足这块大陆之前就有了。 廷巴克图(非洲历史名城)就是一个巨大的市镇。 卡诺(尼日利亚北部),萨拉加(非洲西部)都曾是大市场。 甚至你到西非去,你会发现那里的市场活动 一直是由妇女所主导的。 所以这个区域理所应当就是 一个集市。 市场对非洲来说并不陌生。
What Africans practiced was a different form of capitalism, but then after independence, all of a sudden, markets, capitalism became a western institution, and the leaders said Africans were ready for socialism. Nonsense. And even then, what kind of socialism did they practice? The socialism that they practiced was a peculiar form of Swiss-bank socialism, which allowed the heads of states and the ministers to rape and plunder Africa's treasuries for deposit in Switzerland. That is not the kind of system Africans had known for centuries. What do we do now? Go back to Africa's indigenous institutions, and this is where we charge the Cheetahs to go into the informal sectors, the traditional sectors. That's where you find the African people.
非洲人所做的是不同于资本主义的另一种模式, 但是,在独立之后,突然之间, 市场、资本主义成为一种西方的制度, 然后那些领导人说,非洲人已经准备好接受社会主义了。 全是废话。 即使这样,他们实行的又是怎样一种社会主义? 他们所实行的是一种奇怪的, 瑞士银行式的社会主义, 它允许政府首脑和部长们 强取豪夺非洲的资产, 然后存储到瑞士。 这可不是非洲人几百年来所了解的体系。 那么我们现在怎么办? 回到非洲原有的传统, 就是在这里,我们派那些猎豹族进入到非官方地区, 进入到传统地区—— 就是非洲人民所在的地方。
And I'd like to show you a quick little video about the informal sector, about the boat-building that I, myself, tried to mobilize Africans in the Diaspora to invest in. Could you please show that? The men are going fishing in these small boats. Yes, it's an enterprise. This is by a local Ghanaian entrepreneur, using his own capital. He's getting no assistance from the government, and he's building a second, bigger boat. A bigger boat will mean more fish will be caught and landed. It means that he will be able to employ more Ghanaians. It also means that he will be able to generate wealth. And then it will have what economists call external effects on a local economy. All that you need to do, all that the elites need to do, is to move this operation into something that is enclosed so that the operation can be made more efficient.
我想给你们看一段很短的录像, 关于非官方地区,关于船只制造, 我自己极力鼓励那些散居的非洲人 在这方面投资。 请帮我播放一下。 这些人打算划着这些小船去打渔。 是的,这就算一个产业了。 它属于一个加纳本地的企业家,所用的是他自己的资本。 政府没有给他任何资助, 他正在建造另一条大些的船。 一条大些的船就意味着可以捕捞和运回更多的鱼。 意味着他可以雇佣更多的加纳人。 还意味着他将可以产生财富。 然后就会出现经济学家所谓的 对本地经济的外部效应。 你要做的,那些精英们需要做的就是 让这种经营变成内部的经济活动, 从而使之更有效率。
Now, it is not just this informal sector. There is also traditional medicine. 80 percent of Africans still rely on traditional medicine. The modern healthcare sector has totally collapsed. Now, this is an area -- I mean, there is a treasure trove of wealth in the traditional medicine area. This is where we need to mobilize Africans, in the Diaspora especially, to invest in this. We also need to mobilize Africans in the Diaspora, not only to go into the traditional sectors, but to go into agriculture and also to instigate change from within. We were able to mobilize Ghanaians in the Diaspora to instigate change in Ghana and bring about democracy in Ghana. And I know that with the Cheetahs, we can take Africa back one village at a time. Thank you very much.
现在不只是在非官方地区—— 还有传统的医学。 80%的非洲人还在依赖传统医学。 现代的健康卫生部门已经完全失败。 现在,这是一个领域,我的意思是,一个无人认领的宝藏, 就埋藏在传统医药领域。 我们要在这些地方调动非洲人的积极性, 尤其是散居的非洲人,在这方面投资。 我们还需要鼓励散居的非洲人, 不仅要去到传统地区, 还要进入到农业领域,并在内部变革。 我们已经鼓励散居的加纳人 改变加纳,并已经给加纳带来了民主。 我相信,有了这些猎豹族人,我们可以一个村庄一个村庄地, 让非洲恢复生机。 非常感谢大家!
(Applause)
(观众掌声)