When we talk about corruption, there are typical types of individuals that spring to mind. There's the former Soviet megalomaniacs. Saparmurat Niyazov, he was one of them. Until his death in 2006, he was the all-powerful leader of Turkmenistan, a Central Asian country rich in natural gas. Now, he really loved to issue presidential decrees. And one renamed the months of the year including after himself and his mother. He spent millions of dollars creating a bizarre personality cult, and his crowning glory was the building of a 40-foot-high gold-plated statue of himself which stood proudly in the capital's central square and rotated to follow the sun. He was a slightly unusual guy. And then there's that cliché, the African dictator or minister or official. There's Teodorín Obiang. So his daddy is president for life of Equatorial Guinea, a West African nation that has exported billions of dollars of oil since the 1990s and yet has a truly appalling human rights record. The vast majority of its people are living in really miserable poverty despite an income per capita that's on a par with that of Portugal. So Obiang junior, well, he buys himself a $30 million mansion in Malibu, California. I've been up to its front gates. I can tell you it's a magnificent spread. He bought an €18 million art collection that used to belong to fashion designer Yves Saint Laurent, a stack of fabulous sports cars, some costing a million dollars apiece -- oh, and a Gulfstream jet, too. Now get this: Until recently, he was earning an official monthly salary of less than 7,000 dollars. And there's Dan Etete. Well, he was the former oil minister of Nigeria under President Abacha, and it just so happens he's a convicted money launderer too. We've spent a great deal of time investigating a $1 billion -- that's right, a $1 billion — oil deal that he was involved with, and what we found was pretty shocking, but more about that later. So it's easy to think that corruption happens somewhere over there, carried out by a bunch of greedy despots and individuals up to no good in countries that we, personally, may know very little about and feel really unconnected to and unaffected by what might be going on. But does it just happen over there? Well, at 22, I was very lucky. My first job out of university was investigating the illegal trade in African ivory. And that's how my relationship with corruption really began. In 1993, with two friends who were colleagues, Simon Taylor and Patrick Alley, we set up an organization called Global Witness. Our first campaign was investigating the role of illegal logging in funding the war in Cambodia. So a few years later, and it's now 1997, and I'm in Angola undercover investigating blood diamonds. Perhaps you saw the film, the Hollywood film "Blood Diamond," the one with Leonardo DiCaprio. Well, some of that sprang from our work. Luanda, it was full of land mine victims who were struggling to survive on the streets and war orphans living in sewers under the streets, and a tiny, very wealthy elite who gossiped about shopping trips to Brazil and Portugal. And it was a slightly crazy place. So I'm sitting in a hot and very stuffy hotel room feeling just totally overwhelmed. But it wasn't about blood diamonds. Because I'd been speaking to lots of people there who, well, they talked about a different problem: that of a massive web of corruption on a global scale and millions of oil dollars going missing. And for what was then a very small organization of just a few people, trying to even begin to think how we might tackle that was an enormous challenge. And in the years that I've been, and we've all been campaigning and investigating, I've repeatedly seen that what makes corruption on a global, massive scale possible, well it isn't just greed or the misuse of power or that nebulous phrase "weak governance." I mean, yes, it's all of those, but corruption, it's made possible by the actions of global facilitators. So let's go back to some of those people I talked about earlier. Now, they're all people we've investigated, and they're all people who couldn't do what they do alone. Take Obiang junior. Well, he didn't end up with high-end art and luxury houses without help. He did business with global banks. A bank in Paris held accounts of companies controlled by him, one of which was used to buy the art, and American banks, well, they funneled 73 million dollars into the States, some of which was used to buy that California mansion. And he didn't do all of this in his own name either. He used shell companies. He used one to buy the property, and another, which was in somebody else's name, to pay the huge bills it cost to run the place. And then there's Dan Etete. Well, when he was oil minister, he awarded an oil block now worth over a billion dollars to a company that, guess what, yeah, he was the hidden owner of. Now, it was then much later traded on with the kind assistance of the Nigerian government -- now I have to be careful what I say here — to subsidiaries of Shell and the Italian Eni, two of the biggest oil companies around. So the reality is, is that the engine of corruption, well, it exists far beyond the shores of countries like Equatorial Guinea or Nigeria or Turkmenistan. This engine, well, it's driven by our international banking system, by the problem of anonymous shell companies, and by the secrecy that we have afforded big oil, gas and mining operations, and, most of all, by the failure of our politicians to back up their rhetoric and do something really meaningful and systemic to tackle this stuff. Now let's take the banks first. Well, it's not going to come as any surprise for me to tell you that banks accept dirty money, but they prioritize their profits in other destructive ways too. For example, in Sarawak, Malaysia. Now this region, it has just five percent of its forests left intact. Five percent. So how did that happen? Well, because an elite and its facilitators have been making millions of dollars from supporting logging on an industrial scale for many years. So we sent an undercover investigator in to secretly film meetings with members of the ruling elite, and the resulting footage, well, it made some people very angry, and you can see that on YouTube, but it proved what we had long suspected, because it showed how the state's chief minister, despite his later denials, used his control over land and forest licenses to enrich himself and his family. And HSBC, well, we know that HSBC bankrolled the region's largest logging companies that were responsible for some of that destruction in Sarawak and elsewhere. The bank violated its own sustainability policies in the process, but it earned around 130 million dollars. Now shortly after our exposé, very shortly after our exposé earlier this year, the bank announced a policy review on this. And is this progress? Maybe, but we're going to be keeping a very close eye on that case. And then there's the problem of anonymous shell companies. Well, we've all heard about what they are, I think, and we all know they're used quite a bit by people and companies who are trying to avoid paying their proper dues to society, also known as taxes. But what doesn't usually come to light is how shell companies are used to steal huge sums of money, transformational sums of money, from poor countries. In virtually every case of corruption that we've investigated, shell companies have appeared, and sometimes it's been impossible to find out who is really involved in the deal. A recent study by the World Bank looked at 200 cases of corruption. It found that over 70 percent of those cases had used anonymous shell companies, totaling almost 56 billion dollars. Now many of these companies were in America or the United Kingdom, its overseas territories and Crown dependencies, and so it's not just an offshore problem, it's an on-shore one too. You see, shell companies, they're central to the secret deals which may benefit wealthy elites rather than ordinary citizens. One striking recent case that we've investigated is how the government in the Democratic Republic of Congo sold off a series of valuable, state-owned mining assets to shell companies in the British Virgin Islands. So we spoke to sources in country, trawled through company documents and other information trying to piece together a really true picture of the deal. And we were alarmed to find that these shell companies had quickly flipped many of the assets on for huge profits to major international mining companies listed in London. Now, the Africa Progress Panel, led by Kofi Annan, they've calculated that Congo may have lost more than 1.3 billion dollars from these deals. That's almost twice the country's annual health and education budget combined. And will the people of Congo, will they ever get their money back? Well, the answer to that question, and who was really involved and what really happened, well that's going to probably remain locked away in the secretive company registries of the British Virgin Islands and elsewhere unless we all do something about it. And how about the oil, gas and mining companies? Okay, maybe it's a bit of a cliché to talk about them. Corruption in that sector, no surprise. There's corruption everywhere, so why focus on that sector? Well, because there's a lot at stake. In 2011, natural resource exports outweighed aid flows by almost 19 to one in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Nineteen to one. Now that's a hell of a lot of schools and universities and hospitals and business startups, many of which haven't materialized and never will because some of that money has simply been stolen away. Now let's go back to the oil and mining companies, and let's go back to Dan Etete and that $1 billion deal. And now forgive me, I'm going to read the next bit because it's a very live issue, and our lawyers have been through this in some detail and they want me to get it right. Now, on the surface, the deal appeared straightforward. Subsidiaries of Shell and Eni paid the Nigerian government for the block. The Nigerian government transferred precisely the same amount, to the very dollar, to an account earmarked for a shell company whose hidden owner was Etete. Now, that's not bad going for a convicted money launderer. And here's the thing. After many months of digging around and reading through hundreds of pages of court documents, we found evidence that, in fact, Shell and Eni had known that the funds would be transferred to that shell company, and frankly, it's hard to believe they didn't know who they were really dealing with there. Now, it just shouldn't take these sorts of efforts to find out where the money in deals like this went. I mean, these are state assets. They're supposed to be used for the benefit of the people in the country. But in some countries, citizens and journalists who are trying to expose stories like this have been harassed and arrested and some have even risked their lives to do so. And finally, well, there are those who believe that corruption is unavoidable. It's just how some business is done. It's too complex and difficult to change. So in effect, what? We just accept it. But as a campaigner and investigator, I have a different view, because I've seen what can happen when an idea gains momentum. In the oil and mining sector, for example, there is now the beginning of a truly worldwide transparency standard that could tackle some of these problems. In 1999, when Global Witness called for oil companies to make payments on deals transparent, well, some people laughed at the extreme naiveté of that small idea. But literally hundreds of civil society groups from around the world came together to fight for transparency, and now it's fast becoming the norm and the law. Two thirds of the value of the world's oil and mining companies are now covered by transparency laws. Two thirds. So this is change happening. This is progress. But we're not there yet, by far. Because it really isn't about corruption somewhere over there, is it? In a globalized world, corruption is a truly globalized business, and one that needs global solutions, supported and pushed by us all, as global citizens, right here. Thank you. (Applause)
Kur flasim per korrupsion, ka disa lloje individeve qe te vijne ne mendje Eshte tipi i ish-Sovjetikut megaloman. Saparmurat Niyazov, ishte njëri prej tyre. Deri sa vdiq ne 2006, ai ishte drejtuesi i gjithepushtetshem i Turkmenistanit, nje vend i Azise Qendore i pasur me gaz natyror. Ai me te vertete dashuronte te leshonte dekrete presidenciale. Dhe nje riemertonte emrat e muajve te vitit perfshire emrin e tij dhe se emes. Ai harxhoi miliona dollar per te krijuar nje kult personaliteti te cudicem, dhe kurorezimi i lavdise se tij ishte ndertimi i një statuje te vetes e tera prej ari te praruar dhe 12 m te larte e cila qendronte me krenari ne sheshin qendror te kryeqytetit dhe rrotullohej per te ndjekur djellin. Ai ishte nje djale paksa i pazakonte. Dhe pastaj eshte klishe-ja, diktatori Afrikan ose ministri ose zyrtari. Eshte Teodorin Obiang. Babai i tij eshte president i perjetshem i Guine-se Ekuadoriale nje vend Afrikano-Perendimor i cili ka eksportuar miliarda dollar nafte qe prej 1990s dhe akoma ka nje te vertete te tmerrshme ne raport me te drejtat e njeriut. Shumica derrmuese e popullsises se saj jetojne ne nje varferi vertet te mjerueshme. pavaresish te ardhurave per fryme qe jne ne te njetin nivel me ate te Portugalise. Keshtu qe Obiang i riu, epo, ai i blen vetes nje rezidence 30 milion $ ne Malibu, Kaliforni. Une kam qene deri te portat e saj te parme. Mund t'ju them se ka nje shtrirje madheshtore. Ai bleu nje koleksion arti 18 milion euro qe dikur i perkiste dizenjatorit te modes Yves Saint Laurent, nje tufe makinash sportive perrallore, disa qe kushtonin miliona dollar copa-- oh, dhe nje reaktiv Gulfstream, gjithashtu. Tani degjoje kete: Deri kohet e fundit, ai fitonte nje page zyrtare mujore jo me pak se 7,000 dollare. Dhe ai eshte Dan Etete. E pra, ai ishte ish-ministri i naftes i Nigerise nen Presidenin Abacha, dhe ndodhi pikerisht keshtu ai eshte nje i denuar per pastrim parash gjithashtu. Ne kemi shpenzuar nje pjese te madhe te kohes duke investiguar rreth 1 miliarde dollar e degjuat mire, 1 miliarde dollar-- per nje marrveshje nafte ne te cilen ai ishte perfshire, dhe ajo qe ne zbuluam ishte me te vertete shokuese, por per kete do flasim me vone. Keshtu qe eshte e lehte te mendosh qe korrupsioni ndodh diku atje pertej, e kryer nje nje tufe despotesh te babezitur dhe individesh qe nuk i sjellin asnje te mire ne vende qe ne, personalisht, mund te dime shume pak rreth tij dhe qe ndjehemi vertete te palidhur me te dhe te paprekur me ate qe ndodh atje. Por thjesht a ndodh vetem atje? Mire, kur isha 22, isha me te verte me fat. Puna ime e pare pas universitetit ishte te hetoja tregtine e paligjshme te fildishit Afrikan. Dhe keshtu eshte se si marredhenia ime me korrupsionin me te vertete filloi. Ne 1993, me dy miq te cilet ishin koleg, Simon Taylor dhe Patrick Alley, ne kemi ngritur nje organizate te quajtur Global Witness. Fushata jone e pare ishte te hetonim rolin e prerjeve te paligjshme ne financimin e luftes ne Kamboxhia. Keshtu qe disa vjet me vone, dhe tani eshte 1997, jam ne Angola nen nje hetim te fshehte duke hetuar diamantet e pergjakura. Ndoshta ju keni pare filmin, filmin e Hollywood-it "Blood Diamond," ai me Leonardo DiCaprio. Pra, dicka nga ajo doli prej punes sone. Luanda, ishte plot nga viktimat e minave tokesore te cilet ishin duke u munduar te mbijetonin rrugeve dhe jetimet e luftes te cilet jetonin ne kanalizimet nen rruge, dhe nje elite e vogel, e shume e pasur e cila "bente thashetheme" rreth udhetimeve tregtare ne Brazil dhe Portugali. Dhe ishte nje vend pak i cudicem. Keshtu qe jam ulur ne nje dhome te nxehte hoteli dhe po me zihej fryma ndjehesha thjesht plotesisht e tronditur. Por nuk ishte per diamantet e pergjakura. Sepse kam folur me shume njerez atje te cilet, pra, ata diskutonin per nje problem tjeter: te nje rrjete masive korrupsioni ne shkalle globale dhe te milionave dollare nafte qe mungonin. Dhe per ate qe njehere ishe nje organizate shume e vogel e pak njerezeve, duke u perpjekur te fillonim te mendonim sesi mund ta trajtonim ate ishte nje sfide e madhe. Dhe ne vitet qe kam qene, dhe qe te gjithe kemi qene duke bere fushate dhe hetime, une ne menyre perseritese kam pare cka e ben korrupsionin ne nje shkalle boterore me masive te mundeshme, edhe ajo nuk eshte vetem lakmia apo keqperdorimi i pushtetit apo shprehja e mjegullt "qeverisje e dobet". Dua te them, po, eshte secila prej tyre, por korrupsioni, eshte bere i mundur nga veprimet e ndihmuesve boteror. Le te kthehemi tek disa nga ata njerez qe folem me pare. Tani, ata jane te gjithe njerez qe ne kemi hetuar, dhe ata jane njerez te cilet smund te benin ate qe ben te vetem. Le te marrim Obiang junior. Pra, ai nuk perfundoi me nje koleksion te cmueshem arti dhe nje shtepi luksoze pa ndihme. Ai beri bisnes me banka boterore. Nje banke ne Paris mbante llogarite e kompanive te kontrolluara prej tij, nje prej te cilave perdorej per te blere art, dhe bankat Amerikane, pra, ato kanalizuan 73 milion dollar per ne Sh.B.A dhe nje pjese u perdor per te blere ate rezidencen ne Kaliforni. Dhe ai nuk i ka bere te gjitha keto ne emrin e tij. Ai perdorte komanite anonime joaktive "guacke". Ai perdorte nje per te blere prona, dhe nje tjeter, e cila ishte ne emrin e dikujt tjeter, per te paguar faturat e medha qe nevojiteshin per te drejtuar skemen (vendin). Dhe ja ku eshte Dan Etete. Pra, kur ai ishte minister i naftes, vendosi nje embargo te naftes(bllokoi naften) qe tani ka vleren mbi nje miliard dollar tek nje kompani qe, gjejeni cfare, yeah (po) ai ishte pronari i fshehte i saj. Pra, ishte e tregtueshme per me vone fale ndihmes se vecante te qeverise Nigeriane tani duhet te tregohem e kujdeshme cka them tani- tek deget e Shell dhe te Eni-it italian, dy nga kompanite me te medha te naftes ne qarkullim. Keshtu qe realiteti, eshte qe zemra e korrupsionit, pra, ekziston pertej brigjeve te shteteve si Guinea Ekuadoriale apo Nigeria a Turkmenistani. Ky motorr, pra, shtyhet nga sistemi yne nderkombetar bankar, nga problemi i kompanive joaktive "guacke", dhe nga fshehtesia qe ne kemi perballuar kundrejt opercaioneve te medha te naftes, gazit dhe minierave dhe, mbi te gjitha, nga deshtimi i politikaneve tane per te lene menjane retoriken dhe per te bere dicka me te vertete kuptimplote dhe sistematike per te trajtuar kete fenomen. Tani le te marrim bankat si fillim. Mire, nuk ka per t'iu ardhur si surprize prej meje kur tju tregoj qe bankat pranojne para te piste, por ata i japin prioritet perfitimit te tyre ne forma te cilat jane shkaterruese gjithashtu. Per shembull, ne Sarawak, Malajzi. Tani kjo zone, ka vetem 5 % te pyjeve te saj te paprekura. Pese perqind. Si ndodhi gjithe kjo? Mire, sepse nje elite dhe ndihmesit e tyre kane bere miliona dollar duke mbeshtetur prerjen e pyjeve ne nje shkalle industriale per shume vjet. Keshtu qe ne derguam nje hetues te fshehte atje qe fshehtesisht te filmonte mbledhjet e anetareve te elites sunduese dhe ajo qe rezultoj nga filmimi, beri disa persona me te vertete te inatosur, dhe ju mund ta shihni ate ne YouTube, por ajo provoi ate cka ne kishim kohe qe dyshonim, sepse shfaqte se si kryeministri i vendit, pavarsisht mohimeve te mevonshme, perdorte kontrollin mbi licensat per tokat dhe pyjet per te pasuruar veten dhe familjen e tij. Dhe HSBC, ne dime se HSBC financonte kompanite me te medhaja te prerjeve te pyjeve te cilat ishin pergjegjese per disa nga ato shkaterrimet ne Sarawak dhe gjithkund. Banka shkeli politikat e saj te qendrueshme ne kete proces por perfitoi rreth 130 milion dollar. Tani menjehere pas ekspozese sone, shume shpejt pas ekspozese sone te ketij viti banka shpalli nje rishikim te politikes se saj bazuar ne te. Dhe ky eshte progres? Ndoshta, por ne do te vazhdojme te vezhgojme ne kete ceshtje. Dhe pastaj eshte problemi i kompanive anonime joaktive. Pra, ne te gjithe kuptuam se cfare jane ato, une mendoj, dhe ne e dime qe ato shpesh perdoren nga njerez dhe kompani qe perpiqen te shmangin te paguajne detyrimet e tyre ne shoqeri, te njohura edhe si taksa. Por ajo cka jo zakonisht nuk del ne drite eshte se si kompanite joaktive perdoren per te vjedhur shuma te medha parash, shuma paraje te transformueshme, nga vendet e varfera. Ne pothuajse cdo rast korrupsioni qe ne kemi hetuar, jane shfaqur kompanite anonime, dhe disa here ka qene e pamundur te zbulonim se cilet ishte te pershire ne marrveshje. Nje studim i fundit i Bankes Boterore shqyrtoj rreth 200 raste korrupsioni. Zbuloj qe mbi 70% e atyre rasteve kishte perdorur kompanite anonime "guacke", qe arrin pothuajse ne 56 Bilion Dollar. Tani, shume prej atyre kompanimve gjendeshin ne Amerike ose ne Mbreterine e Bashkuar, territoret e saj jashte vendit dhe ne varesine e kurores, keshtu nuk eshte vetem nje problem pertej bregut, eshte nje problem brenda-bregut gjithashtu. E kuptoni, kompanite "guacke", ato jane celsi i marrveshjeve sekrete nga te cilat perfitojne eltat e pasura ne vend te qytetareve te zakonshem. Nje rast i habitshem i koheve te fundit ne te cilin kemi hetuar ishte sesi qeveria Demokratike e Republikes se Kongos shiti nje seri te vlefshme asetesh shteterore minerare nje kompanije "guacke" ne ishujt Britanik Virgin. Keshtu qe ne folem me burime te vendit, zhbiruam dokumentet e kompanise dhe cdo informacion tjeter duke u perpjekur per te vendosur pjeset se bashku per te patur nje tablo te qarte te marrveshjes. Dhe ne ishim te alarmuar kur zbuluam qe keto kompani "guacke" menjehere kishin dhene shume nga keto asete kundrejt perfitimeve te medhaja tek nje kompani nderkombetare minerare regjistruar ne Londer. Tani, Paneli i Progresit Afrikan, udhehequr nga Kofi Annan, ka perllogaritur qe Kongo mund te kete humbur mbi 1.3 Bilion dollar nga keto marreveshje. Eshte perafersisht sa dyfishi i buxhetit vjetor te vendit nese kombiniojme shendetesine dhe arsimin. Dhe a do te munden njerzit e Kongos, do te munden te marrin mbrapsht parate e tyre? Pra, pergjigja e kesaj pyetje, dhe kush ishte me te vertete i perfshire dhe cfare ndodhi me te vertete, do te mbesin me shume mundesi te mbyllura larg ne rregjistrat e fshehte te kombanise ne ishujt Britanik Virxhin dhe gjithkund nese ne nuk bejme dicka rreth saj. Po rreth kompanive te naftes, gazit dhe minierave? Ne rregull, mbase eshte paska klishe te flasesh rreth tyre. Korrupsion ne ate sektor, mos u habisni. Ka korrupsion kudo, keshtu qe pse te fokusohemi ne ate sektor? Mire, sepse eshte shume e rrezikshme. Ne 2011, eksportet e burimeve natyrore mbizoteruan ardhjen e ndihmave me pothuajse 19 me nje ne Afrike, Azi dhe Ameriken Latine. Nentembedhjete me nje. Tashme ka nje sere shkollash dhe universitetesh dhe spitalesh dhe bisnesesh qe duan te fillojne, shume prej te cileve nuk e kane kuptuar dhe kurre nuk do ta kuptojne sepse nje pjese e atyre parave thjesht eshte vjedhur. Tani le te kthehemi tek kompanite e naftes dhe minierave, dhe ti rikthehemi perseri Dan Etete dhe marrveshjes 1 Miliard Dollarshe. Dhe tani ju kerkoj ndjese, do tju lexoj pasazhin e ardhshem sepse eshte nje ceshtje shume e gjalle, dhe avokatet tane e kane kaluar ne disa detaje dhe ata duan qe une t'jua them drejt. Tani, ne siperfaqe, marrveshja paraqitet si me poshte. Filialet e Shell dhe Eni paguan qeverine Nigeriane per bllokaden. Qeveria Nigeriane transferoi saktesisht te njejten shume, deri ne qindarken e fundit, tek nje llogari rezervuar per nje komani "guacke" ku pronari i fshehte ishe Etete. Tani, nuk eshte aspak keq per nje te denuar per pastrim parash. Dhe ja si qendron ceshtja. Pas shume muajsh duke gjurmuar verdalle dhe duke lexuar me qindra faqe te vendimeve gjyqesore, ne gjetem prova qe, ne fakt, Shell dhe Eni kishin dijeni qe fondet do te transferoheshin tek ajo kompani "guacke", dhe sinqerisht, eshte e veshtire te besosh qe nuk e dinin se me ke po benin marrveshje atje. Tani, sduket te kishim ndermarr gjithe keto lloj perpjekjesh per te gjetur ku shkuan parate e nje marrveshje te tille. Dua te them, keto jane asete shteterore. Ato supozohet te perdoren per te miren e njerzeve te ketij vendi. Por ne disa vende, qytetaret dhe gazetaret te cilet perpiqen te tregojne histori te tilla kane qene kercenuar dhe arrestuar dhe disa madje kane rrezikuar jeten e tyre duke bere dicka te tille. Ne perfundim, mire, jane ata te cilet besojne qe korrupsioni eshte i pashmangshem. Eshte thjesht sesi disa bisnese jane krijuar. Eshte teper e komplikuar dhe e veshtire per tu ndryshuar. Keshtu qe ne te vertete, cfare? Ne e pranojme ate. Por si nje aktiviste dhe hetuese, kam nje kendveshtrim tjeter, sepse kam pare cfare mund te ndodhe kur nje ide fiton vrull. Ne sektorin e naftes dhe minierave, per shembull, tashme eshte fillimi i nje standarti te vertete nderkombetar transparence qe mund te zgjidhi disa nga to probleme. Ne 1999, kur Global Witness ftoi kompanite e naftes te benin publike pagesat mbi marrveshjet, mire, shume njerez qeshen nga naiviteti ekstrem i kesaj ideje te vogel. Por me qindra grupe te shoqerise civile nga e gjithe bota u bashkuan per te luftuar per transparence, dhe me shpejtesi po shnderrohet ne norme dhe ligj. Dy te tretat e gjithe kompanive boterore te naftes dhe minierave jane tani te mbuluara nga ligjet e transparences. Dy te tretat. Ky eshte ndryshimi qe po ndodh. Ky eshte nje progres. Por ne akoma nuk ja kemi dale. Sepse nuk eshte ne te vertete rreth korrupsionit diku atje tej, apo jo? Ne nje bote te globalizuar, korrupsioni eshte ne te vertete nje bisnes boteror, dhe si i tille ka nevoje per zgjidhje boterore, mbeshtetur dhe nxitur nga te gjithe ne, si qytetar te botes, pikerisht ketu. Ju Faleminderit. (Duartrokitje)