I am very, very happy to be amidst some of the most -- the lights are really disturbing my eyes and they're reflecting on my glasses. I am very happy and honored to be amidst very, very innovative and intelligent people. I have listened to the three previous speakers, and guess what happened? Every single thing I planned to say, they have said it here, and it looks and sounds like I have nothing else to say.
我非常非常高興能來到... 這些燈光很刺眼 而且光會反射到我的眼鏡上 我非常高興而且感到榮幸能和 這些非常創新,有智慧的人在一起 聽了前三個演講之後 猜猜看怎麼了? 原本我打算要講的每件事,都被他們講完了 看起來我似乎沒有什麼好講了
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
But there is a saying in my culture that if a bud leaves a tree without saying something, that bud is a young one. So, I will -- since I am not young and am very old, I still will say something.
在我們的文化裡有這麼一句諺語: 如果一朵花苞沒說什麼就從樹上凋落 那麼這朵花苞一定還很年輕 既然我不再年輕,而且其實很老了.. 我還是會說些話
We are hosting this conference at a very opportune moment, because another conference is taking place in Berlin. It is the G8 Summit. The G8 Summit proposes that the solution to Africa's problems should be a massive increase in aid, something akin to the Marshall Plan. Unfortunately, I personally do not believe in the Marshall Plan. One, because the benefits of the Marshall Plan have been overstated. Its largest recipients were Germany and France, and it was only 2.5 percent of their GDP. An average African country receives foreign aid to the tune of 13, 15 percent of its GDP, and that is an unprecedented transfer of financial resources from rich countries to poor countries.
這場研討會召開的時機非常恰當 因為另一個會議已經在柏林展開 這個會議就是八國高峰會 八國高峰會對於非洲問題所提出的解決方案 就是應該要投入更大量的援助 類似馬歇爾計劃 但不幸的是,我個人不相信馬歇爾計畫 第一,馬歇爾計畫所帶來的益處被過度誇大 因它而受益最多的國家是德國和法國 但援助只佔他們國內生產總值的2.5% 非洲國家平均收到的外援 大約佔他們的國內生產總值的13~15% 而且這是一個空前的金融資源轉移 由富裕國家援助貧窮國家
But I want to say that there are two things we need to connect. How the media covers Africa in the West, and the consequences of that. By displaying despair, helplessness and hopelessness, the media is telling the truth about Africa, and nothing but the truth. However, the media is not telling us the whole truth. Because despair, civil war, hunger and famine, although they're part and parcel of our African reality, they are not the only reality. And secondly, they are the smallest reality.
但我想說的是,我們必須想到兩件事 西方媒體如何報導非洲,還有援助帶來的成果 媒體報導非洲絕望,無助,以及沒有希望的畫面 在在告訴我們有關非洲的真相,全都是事實 然而,媒體沒有告訴我們全部的真相 雖然絕望,內戰,飢餓,還有饑荒 是非洲現實生活中的一部份 但現實生活並不是只有這些 其次,這些只是現實生活中最小的部分
Africa has 53 nations. We have civil wars only in six countries, which means that the media are covering only six countries. Africa has immense opportunities that never navigate through the web of despair and helplessness that the Western media largely presents to its audience. But the effect of that presentation is, it appeals to sympathy. It appeals to pity. It appeals to something called charity. And, as a consequence, the Western view of Africa's economic dilemma is framed wrongly. The wrong framing is a product of thinking that Africa is a place of despair. What should we do with it? We should give food to the hungry. We should deliver medicines to those who are ill. We should send peacekeeping troops to serve those who are facing a civil war. And in the process, Africa has been stripped of self-initiative.
非洲有53個國家 只有6個國家有內戰 這意味著媒體的報導只涵蓋這6個國家 非洲擁有很多機會,卻從未出現在 那些充滿絕望或無助的報導中 也就是西方媒體大量向觀眾傳遞的訊息 這樣的報導目的在於博取同情心 博取於憐憫,博取所謂的慈善援助 結果就是,西方人對於 非洲經濟的困境存有錯誤的看法 這個錯誤的看法就是在於他們覺得 非洲是一個充滿絕望的地方 我們應該怎麼做?我們應該給飢餓的人食物 我們應該給生病的人藥物 我們應該派維和部隊過去 以幫助處於內戰的人民 在這個過程中,非洲的自主權已經被剝奪
I want to say that it is important to recognize that Africa has fundamental weaknesses. But equally, it has opportunities and a lot of potential. We need to reframe the challenge that is facing Africa, from a challenge of despair, which is called poverty reduction, to a challenge of hope. We frame it as a challenge of hope, and that is worth creation. The challenge facing all those who are interested in Africa is not the challenge of reducing poverty. It should be a challenge of creating wealth.
我想說的是.我們必須去體認到 非洲的確有根本上的缺點 但同樣的,它也擁有機會和很多的潛力 我們必須重新定義非洲所面臨的挑戰 從原本絕望的角度 也就是減少貧窮的角度 轉而改為充滿希望的角度 我們將其視為為充滿希望的挑戰,這是值得一試的 所有關心非洲的人應該採取的態度 不是如何減少貧窮 而是如何增加財富
Once we change those two things -- if you say the Africans are poor and they need poverty reduction, you have the international cartel of good intentions moving onto the continent, with what? Medicines for the poor, food relief for those who are hungry, and peacekeepers for those who are facing civil war. And in the process, none of these things really are productive because you are treating the symptoms, not the causes of Africa's fundamental problems. Sending somebody to school and giving them medicines, ladies and gentlemen, does not create wealth for them. Wealth is a function of income, and income comes from you finding a profitable trading opportunity or a well-paying job.
一旦我們把那兩個概念對調過來-- 如果你說"非洲人很窮,而且我們應該幫助他們減少貧窮" 你便要求國際社會秉持善心 要送些東西到非洲,但要給他們什麼呢? 給窮人藥物,給予挨餓的人食物 再派遣維和部隊來拯救陷於內戰的人民 但在這些援助中,沒有一項是真的具有生產力的 因為這只是解決表面上的問題,而不是去解決 非洲根本的問題 讓更多人能上學,還有提供藥物 女士先生們,這些都不能為他們創造財富 有收入才會帶來財富,而收入來自於 有利潤的貿易機會或是薪水優渥的工作
Now, once we begin to talk about wealth creation in Africa, our second challenge will be, who are the wealth-creating agents in any society? They are entrepreneurs. [Unclear] told us they are always about four percent of the population, but 16 percent are imitators. But they also succeed at the job of entrepreneurship. So, where should we be putting the money? We need to put money where it can productively grow. Support private investment in Africa, both domestic and foreign. Support research institutions, because knowledge is an important part of wealth creation.
現在,當我們談到如何在非洲創造財富 我們的第二個挑戰就是, 誰是社會裡創造財富的主要成員? 是企業家. 他們大約只佔了 人口的4%,但其中有16%的人只能算是模倣者 但他們也可以成功地勝任企業家的工作 那我們該把錢放在哪裡? 我們應該把錢放在能孳長更多財富的地方 贊助非洲國家國內或國外的私人投資, 贊助研究機構 因為創造財富的其中一個要點就是擁有知識
But what is the international aid community doing with Africa today? They are throwing large sums of money for primary health, for primary education, for food relief. The entire continent has been turned into a place of despair, in need of charity. Ladies and gentlemen, can any one of you tell me a neighbor, a friend, a relative that you know, who became rich by receiving charity? By holding the begging bowl and receiving alms? Does any one of you in the audience have that person? Does any one of you know a country that developed because of the generosity and kindness of another? Well, since I'm not seeing the hand, it appears that what I'm stating is true.
但現在的國際援助組織對非洲做了什麼? 他們投入很多錢從事基礎醫療 基礎教育,還有食物 整個非洲大陸變成一個 充滿絕望,而且需要人家施捨的地方 女士先生們,有沒有人可以告訴我 你認識的鄰居,朋友或親戚 誰靠著別人的救濟而變得有錢? 靠著向別人乞討然後得到救濟? 在座的聽眾有人認識這樣子的人嗎? 有沒有人知道有哪一個國家的發展是因為 接受別的國家慷慨和善心的援助嗎? 那麼,因為我都沒看到有人舉手 很顯然地,我的論述是對的
(Bono: Yes!)
波諾: 有!
Andrew Mwenda: I can see Bono says he knows the country. Which country is that?
安德魯: 我看波諾好像知道有這麼一個國家 哪個國家?
(Bono: It's an Irish land.)
波諾: 是個愛爾蘭的名字
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
(Bono: [unclear])
波諾:[聲音模糊]
AM: Thank you very much. But let me tell you this. External actors can only present to you an opportunity. The ability to utilize that opportunity and turn it into an advantage depends on your internal capacity. Africa has received many opportunities. Many of them we haven't benefited much. Why? Because we lack the internal, institutional framework and policy framework that can make it possible for us to benefit from our external relations. I'll give you an example.
非常謝謝你. 但是讓我來告訴你 外人只能給你這麼一個機會 要怎麼去運用這個機會,而且把它變成一個優勢 就要看你本身的能力 非洲曾得到很多機會 但我們卻沒有從中獲益很多 為什麼?因為我們缺乏內部制度 和政策架構,可以讓我們有可能 從對外的關係中受益. 我來舉一個例子
Under the Cotonou Agreement, formerly known as the Lome Convention, African countries have been given an opportunity by Europe to export goods, duty-free, to the European Union market. My own country, Uganda, has a quota to export 50,000 metric tons of sugar to the European Union market. We haven't exported one kilogram yet. We import 50,000 metric tons of sugar from Brazil and Cuba. Secondly, under the beef protocol of that agreement, African countries that produce beef have quotas to export beef duty-free to the European Union market. None of those countries, including Africa's most successful nation, Botswana, has ever met its quota.
在柯都努協議中 以前叫做洛海公約 歐洲曾提供一個機會給非洲國家 以零關稅的方式出口貨品到歐盟市場 我自己的國家,烏干達,有五萬公噸的出口配額 可以出口糖到歐盟市場 但我們一公斤都還沒出口過 我們反而從巴西和古巴進口了五萬公噸的糖 第二,根據公約上的牛肉條款 產牛肉的非洲國家 可以享有以零關稅出口牛肉到歐盟市場的配額 但沒有一個國家可以達到這個配額,連非洲最成功的國家,波札那 也從未用完這個配額
So, I want to argue today that the fundamental source of Africa's inability to engage the rest of the world in a more productive relationship is because it has a poor institutional and policy framework. And all forms of intervention need support, the evolution of the kinds of institutions that create wealth, the kinds of institutions that increase productivity. How do we begin to do that, and why is aid the bad instrument? Aid is the bad instrument, and do you know why? Because all governments across the world need money to survive. Money is needed for a simple thing like keeping law and order. You have to pay the army and the police to show law and order. And because many of our governments are quite dictatorial, they need really to have the army clobber the opposition. The second thing you need to do is pay your political hangers-on. Why should people support their government? Well, because it gives them good, paying jobs, or, in many African countries, unofficial opportunities to profit from corruption.
所以我主張,非洲之所以 無法和其他國家建立 合作互利的關係 是因為制度和政策上的結構太過鬆散 任何形式的介入都需要有支持的力量 像是發展創造財富的機構 還有可以增進生產力的機構 我們要怎麼做? 還有為什麼援助不是個好方法? 你知道為什麼援助不是個好方法嗎? 因為世界上所有的政府都需要錢才能存活下去 錢是會被拿來做一些簡單的事,例如維持法律和秩序 你必須付錢給軍隊和警察,請他們維持法律和秩序 然而因為我們大多數的政府都很獨裁 他們需要軍隊去鎮壓反對者 再來,政治活動也需要錢 為什麼人民應該要支持他們的政府? 因為政府給他們薪水不錯的工作 或者,在很多非洲國家 私底下可以從貪污中得到利益
The fact is no government in the world, with the exception of a few, like that of Idi Amin, can seek to depend entirely on force as an instrument of rule. Many countries in the [unclear], they need legitimacy. To get legitimacy, governments often need to deliver things like primary education, primary health, roads, build hospitals and clinics. If the government's fiscal survival depends on it having to raise money from its own people, such a government is driven by self-interest to govern in a more enlightened fashion. It will sit with those who create wealth. Talk to them about the kind of policies and institutions that are necessary for them to expand a scale and scope of business so that it can collect more tax revenues from them. The problem with the African continent and the problem with the aid industry is that it has distorted the structure of incentives facing the governments in Africa. The productive margin in our governments' search for revenue does not lie in the domestic economy, it lies with international donors.
事實上,世界上沒有任何一個政府-- 伊迪˙阿明是個例外-- 可以完全依靠武力來治國 很多國家需要依法治國 為此,政府通常需要提供基礎教育, 基礎醫療,道路,蓋醫院還有診所 如果一個國家的財政 是向人民募款而得 這種以自我利益為導向的政府 就會以更開明的方式來治國 它會和創造財富的人坐下來 討論什麼樣的政策和體制 是他們在拓展生意上所必須的 如此一來,才能從他們身上拿到更多稅收 非洲大陸的問題 還有國際援助團體所帶來的問題 已經扭曲了非洲國家 的生存動機 我們政府的主要收入來源 不是來自於國內的經濟 而是來自國際的捐助者
Rather than sit with Ugandan --
與其和烏干達的...
(Applause) --
(鼓掌)
rather than sit with Ugandan entrepreneurs, Ghanaian businessmen, South African enterprising leaders, our governments find it more productive to talk to the IMF and the World Bank. I can tell you, even if you have ten Ph.Ds., you can never beat Bill Gates in understanding the computer industry. Why? Because the knowledge that is required for you to understand the incentives necessary to expand a business -- it requires that you listen to the people, the private sector actors in that industry.
與其和烏干達的企業家, 迦納商人,南非的企業領導者共商大計 我們的政府發現和國際貨幣基金組織還有世界銀行協商 會帶來更多的收入 我可以告訴你,即使你有十個博士學位 還是敵不過比爾蓋茲對電腦產業的了解 為什麼? 因為去了解拓展生意 所需要具備的知識 就是要你去傾聽那些在這個行業的人的意見
Governments in Africa have therefore been given an opportunity, by the international community, to avoid building productive arrangements with your own citizens, and therefore allowed to begin endless negotiations with the IMF and the World Bank, and then it is the IMF and the World Bank that tell them what its citizens need. In the process, we, the African people, have been sidelined from the policy-making, policy-orientation, and policy- implementation process in our countries. We have limited input, because he who pays the piper calls the tune. The IMF, the World Bank, and the cartel of good intentions in the world has taken over our rights as citizens, and therefore what our governments are doing, because they depend on aid, is to listen to international creditors rather than their own citizens.
非洲各政府因此從國際組織上得到一個機會 就是盡量不要 讓自己的人民有收入 如此才可以和國際貨幣基金組織展開無止盡的協商 然後再和世界銀行談,之後回來找國際貨幣基金組織,再來找世界銀行 告訴這些組織他們的人民需要什麼 在這整個過程中,非洲人民就像局外人一樣 從國家制定政策,設立政策方針 到執行政策,人民都被排除在外 我們無法參與太多,因為出錢的是老大 國際貨幣基金,世界銀行,還有世界上各個援助組織 接管了我們的公民權 因為我們的政府仰賴那些援助,所以他們做的就是 聽命於國際上的那些債權人,而不是傾聽自己人民的心聲
But I want to put a caveat on my argument, and that caveat is that it is not true that aid is always destructive. Some aid may have built a hospital, fed a hungry village. It may have built a road, and that road may have served a very good role. The mistake of the international aid industry is to pick these isolated incidents of success, generalize them, pour billions and trillions of dollars into them, and then spread them across the whole world, ignoring the specific and unique circumstances in a given village, the skills, the practices, the norms and habits that allowed that small aid project to succeed -- like in Sauri village, in Kenya, where Jeffrey Sachs is working -- and therefore generalize this experience as the experience of everybody.
但我想先澄清一下我的論點 那就是援助並不一定是具有破壞性的 有些援助蓋了醫院,提供食物給鬧飢荒的村莊 或是興建道路,這些道路 也可能扮演了一個很好的角色 國際援助組織所犯的錯誤就是 拿了一些成功的案例 歸納這些案例,並投入幾億幾兆的金錢 然後向全世界廣為宣傳 忽略了其實每個村莊的情況都不相同 每個成功案例所援助的村莊 村民的能力,作習,規範及習慣都不相同 就像傑弗瑞.薩奇斯工作的肯亞村莊- Sauri村 他們得到一個很好的經驗 可以成為別人的借鏡
Aid increases the resources available to governments, and that makes working in a government the most profitable thing you can have, as a person in Africa seeking a career. By increasing the political attractiveness of the state, especially in our ethnically fragmented societies in Africa, aid tends to accentuate ethnic tensions as every single ethnic group now begins struggling to enter the state in order to get access to the foreign aid pie. Ladies and gentlemen, the most enterprising people in Africa cannot find opportunities to trade and to work in the private sector because the institutional and policy environment is hostile to business. Governments are not changing it. Why? Because they don't need to talk to their own citizens. They talk to international donors. So, the most enterprising Africans end up going to work for government, and that has increased the political tensions in our countries precisely because we depend on aid.
援助讓政府的資源增加 對於一個在非洲找工作的人來說 在政府部門工作比較有利可圖 為了引起更多政治上的關注 尤其像非洲是一個種族劃分的社會 援助往往加重了種族間的緊張關係 因為每個獨立的族群現在都想拼命擠進國家組織裡 為的就是能分一杯羹 女士先生們,在非洲最有事業心的人 沒辦法在民營機構從商或工作 是因為制度和政策環境實在是對商業不太友善 政府也沒有要去改變. 為什麼? 因為政府不需要和他們自己的人民對話 他們只要和國際間的資助者對話 所以最有事業心的非洲人到最後都去為政府工作 而我們國家裡的政治緊張與日俱增 只因為我們純粹仰賴援助
I also want to say that it is important for us to note that, over the last 50 years, Africa has been receiving increasing aid from the international community, in the form of technical assistance, and financial aid, and all other forms of aid. Between 1960 and 2003, our continent received 600 billion dollars of aid, and we are still told that there is a lot of poverty in Africa. Where has all the aid gone?
我還想說, 對我們來說重要的是去瞭解 在過去的50年裡,非洲從國際社會 得到愈來愈多的援助 包括技術協助,金錢援助 及各種其他形式的援助 在1960到2003年間,非洲大陸收到六千億美金的援助 但大家還是覺得非洲很窮 那些援助都跑到哪兒去了?
I want to use the example of my own country, called Uganda, and the kind of structure of incentives that aid has brought there. In the 2006-2007 budget, expected revenue: 2.5 trillion shillings. The expected foreign aid: 1.9 trillion. Uganda's recurrent expenditure -- by recurrent what do I mean? Hand-to-mouth is 2.6 trillion. Why does the government of Uganda budget spend 110 percent of its own revenue? It's because there's somebody there called foreign aid, who contributes for it. But this shows you that the government of Uganda is not committed to spending its own revenue to invest in productive investments, but rather it devotes this revenue to paying structure of public expenditure. Public administration, which is largely patronage, takes 690 billion. The military, 380 billion. Agriculture, which employs 18 percent of our poverty-stricken citizens, takes only 18 billion. Trade and industry takes 43 billion. And let me show you, what does public expenditure -- rather, public administration expenditure -- in Uganda constitute? There you go. 70 cabinet ministers, 114 presidential advisers, by the way, who never see the president, except on television.
我想用我自己的國家,烏干達,作為一個例子 來看援助都被花到哪裡去 2006~2007年的預算中,預期收益是2.5兆先令 預期的國外援助: 1.9兆先令 烏干達的經常性支出--我說的經常性支出是什麼? 只是用來糊口--就花了2.6兆先令 為什麼烏干達政府的預算會打算花掉 自己收入的110%? 因為有外援的幫忙 但這顯示了烏干達政府 沒有要把他的收入拿去 投入在有生產力的投資上 而是把這些收入 拿來支付政府的花費 公共行政部門,主要由援助金贊助,就花了6千900億 軍隊,3千800億 農業,有18%的窮困人民從事的行業 只花了180億 貿易和工業花了430億 讓我來告訴你公共支出-- 對烏干達來說,其實是公共行政支出--是由什麼組成的? 我來告訴你. 有70個閣員,114個總統顧問 順帶一提,這些顧問除了在電視上,誰也沒看過總統
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
(Applause)
(鼓掌)
And when they see him physically, it is at public functions like this, and even there, it is him who advises them.
當顧問看到他時,一定會是在這樣的一個公共場合 即使如此,那也是他建議的
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
We have 81 units of local government. Each local government is organized like the central government -- a bureaucracy, a cabinet, a parliament, and so many jobs for the political hangers-on. There were 56, and when our president wanted to amend the constitution and remove term limits, he had to create 25 new districts, and now there are 81. Three hundred thirty-three members of parliament. You need Wembley Stadium to host our parliament. One hundred thirty-four commissions and semi-autonomous government bodies, all of which have directors and the cars. And the final thing, this is addressed to Mr. Bono. In his work, he may help us on this.
我們有81個地方政府 每個地方政府的組織都跟中央政府一樣 一個行政組織,一個內閣,一個議會 政府提供了很多工作 原本有56個行政區,但當總統想要 修改憲法然後除去任期限制時 他又增加了25個新的行政區,所以現在有81個行政區 有333個國會議員 你需一個像"溫布里足球場"那麼大的地方來開我們的議會 134個委員會 還有半自治的政府機構 這些都需要負責人和車子...還有最後一項 留給波諾先生. 他的工作也許能幫助我們.
A recent government of Uganda study found that there are 3,000 four-wheel drive motor vehicles at the Minister of Health headquarters. Uganda has 961 sub-counties, each of them with a dispensary, none of which has an ambulance. So, the four-wheel drive vehicles at the headquarters drive the ministers, the permanent secretaries, the bureaucrats and the international aid bureaucrats who work in aid projects, while the poor die without ambulances and medicine.
一份最近研究烏干達政府的報告指出 有3千輛轎車 在衛生署總部 烏干達有961個鎮,每個鎮有一個診療所 但卻連一台救護車也沒有 而那些在總部的轎車 卻被用來接送部長,秘書,官員們 還有用來接送在援助專案工作的國際援助官員們 在此同時窮人卻因為沒有救護車和醫藥而死掉
Finally, I want to say that before I came to speak here, I was told that the principle of TEDGlobal is that the good speech should be like a miniskirt. It should be short enough to arouse interest, but long enough to cover the subject. I hope I have achieved that.
最後,我想說的是,在我來這裡演講之前 有人告訴我TEDGlobal的原則是 一段好的演講要像一條迷你裙 它要短到可以引起注意力 但也要長到能夠涵蓋主題 我希望我有做到這一點
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
Thank you very much.
非常謝謝各位
(Applause)
(鼓掌)