I am very, very happy to be amidst some of the most -- the lights are really disturbing my eyes and they're reflecting on my glasses. I am very happy and honored to be amidst very, very innovative and intelligent people. I have listened to the three previous speakers, and guess what happened? Every single thing I planned to say, they have said it here, and it looks and sounds like I have nothing else to say.
nina furaha kubwa kuwa kati ya mwanga unasumbua sana macho yangu na unaakisiwa katika miwani yangu Ni furaha na heshima kwangu kuwa kati ya watu wabunifu na wenye ufahamu wa hali ya juu nimewasikiliza wazungumzaji watatu waliopita na jaribu kufikiri nini kilichotokea? kila kitu nilichopanga kuzungumza wameshakiongea, na inaonekana sasa ni kama sina chochote cha kuongea
(Laughter)
(vicheko)
But there is a saying in my culture that if a bud leaves a tree without saying something, that bud is a young one. So, I will -- since I am not young and am very old, I still will say something.
lakini kuna msemo katika jamii yangu kuwa kama jani likidondoka kutoka mtini bila kusema chochote basi jani hilo ni changa kwa hiyo kwa kuwa si mchanga nami nina umri mkubwa sana bado nitaongea kitu
We are hosting this conference at a very opportune moment, because another conference is taking place in Berlin. It is the G8 Summit. The G8 Summit proposes that the solution to Africa's problems should be a massive increase in aid, something akin to the Marshall Plan. Unfortunately, I personally do not believe in the Marshall Plan. One, because the benefits of the Marshall Plan have been overstated. Its largest recipients were Germany and France, and it was only 2.5 percent of their GDP. An average African country receives foreign aid to the tune of 13, 15 percent of its GDP, and that is an unprecedented transfer of financial resources from rich countries to poor countries.
tunaandaa mkutano huu katika wakati ambao umejaa fursa nyingi kwa kuwa mkutano mwingine unafanyika katika mji wa Berlin(Ujerumani) na huu ni mkutano wa G8 mkutano huu wa G8, unapendekeza kuwa ufumbuzi wa matatizo ya Afrika ni ongezeko maradufu la misaada, hatua ambayo inafanana na mpango wa Marshall bahati mbaya ni kuwa mimi siamini katika mpango huu wa Marshall kwanza, kwa sababu faida za mpango huu wa Marshall zimeongezwa chumvi. waliopokea msaada mkubwa kupitia mpango huu walikuwa ni ujerumani na ufaransa, na msaada huu ulikuwa ni asilimia 2.5 tu ya pato lao la taifa(GDP) kwa wastani nchi yoyote Afrika inapokea misaada kutoka nje kufikia kiwango cha asilimia 13, 15 ya pato la taifa, huu ni uhamishaji wa rasilimali za kiuchumi mkubwa sana kutoka nchi tajiri kwenda nchi maskini
But I want to say that there are two things we need to connect. How the media covers Africa in the West, and the consequences of that. By displaying despair, helplessness and hopelessness, the media is telling the truth about Africa, and nothing but the truth. However, the media is not telling us the whole truth. Because despair, civil war, hunger and famine, although they're part and parcel of our African reality, they are not the only reality. And secondly, they are the smallest reality.
lakini kuna vitu viwili ambavyo tunahitaji kuviunganisha navyo ni jinsi vyombo vya habari vinavyoionyesha Afrika katika nchi za magharibi na madhara yake kwa kuonyesha majonzi, matatizo na ukosefu wa matumaini vyombo vya habari vinaonyesha ukweli kuhusu Afrika,na si vinginevyo zaidi ya ukweli. lakini vyombo vya habari havielezi ukweli wote. kwa sababu huzuni,vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe na njaa ingawa ni sehemu ya ukweli kuhusu Afrika lakini sio ukweli pekee na pili ni sehemu ndogo sana ya ukweli
Africa has 53 nations. We have civil wars only in six countries, which means that the media are covering only six countries. Africa has immense opportunities that never navigate through the web of despair and helplessness that the Western media largely presents to its audience. But the effect of that presentation is, it appeals to sympathy. It appeals to pity. It appeals to something called charity. And, as a consequence, the Western view of Africa's economic dilemma is framed wrongly. The wrong framing is a product of thinking that Africa is a place of despair. What should we do with it? We should give food to the hungry. We should deliver medicines to those who are ill. We should send peacekeeping troops to serve those who are facing a civil war. And in the process, Africa has been stripped of self-initiative.
bara la Afrika lina mataifa 53 lakini tuna vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe katika nchi sita tu, hii inamaanisha kwamba vyombo vya habari vinaonyesha nchi sita tu Afrika ina fursa nyingi ambazo hazijatolewa katika mzunguko wa matatizo na kukosa msaada ambao vyombo vya habari vya magharibi vinaonyesha kwa watazamaji wao lakini madhara ya hali hii ni kuwa inaleta hali ya huruma inaleta hali ya huruma na kusaidia kwa hiyo mwonekano kwa nchi za magharibi kuhusu matatizo ya kiuchumi ya afrika unakuwa mbaya mwonekano huu mbaya ni zao la mawazo kuwa afrika ni sehemu ya matatizo tuifanyie nini?tupeleke chakula kwa wenye njaa tupeleke madawa kwa wagonjwa tupeleke majeshi ya kulinda amani kuwalinda wanaokabiliwa na vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe. na katika hali hii afrika imenyang'anywa kujitegemea yenyewe
I want to say that it is important to recognize that Africa has fundamental weaknesses. But equally, it has opportunities and a lot of potential. We need to reframe the challenge that is facing Africa, from a challenge of despair, which is called poverty reduction, to a challenge of hope. We frame it as a challenge of hope, and that is worth creation. The challenge facing all those who are interested in Africa is not the challenge of reducing poverty. It should be a challenge of creating wealth.
nataka kusema kuwa ni muhimu kuelewa kuwa afrika ina udhaifu wa msingi lakini pia ina fursa nyingi na uwezo mkubwa tunahitaji kubadilisha fikra kuhusu changamoto zinazoikabili Afrika kutoka changamoto za matatizo matatizo yanayoitwa upunguzaji wa umaskini kuwa changamoto ya matumaini tunahitaji kuonyesha kuwa ni changamoto ya matumaini changamoto inayowakabili wote wanaoipenda Afrika siyo changamoto ya kupunguza umaskini bali ni changamoto ya kutengeneza mafanikio
Once we change those two things -- if you say the Africans are poor and they need poverty reduction, you have the international cartel of good intentions moving onto the continent, with what? Medicines for the poor, food relief for those who are hungry, and peacekeepers for those who are facing civil war. And in the process, none of these things really are productive because you are treating the symptoms, not the causes of Africa's fundamental problems. Sending somebody to school and giving them medicines, ladies and gentlemen, does not create wealth for them. Wealth is a function of income, and income comes from you finding a profitable trading opportunity or a well-paying job.
ni mpaka tutakapobadilisha vitu hivi viwili ukisema Waafrika ni maskini na wanahitahitaji kupunguza umaskini utakuwa na ushirika wa kimataifa wenye nia ya kusaidia ukiingia afrika na nini? dawa kwa ajili ya maskini,msaada wa chakula kwa ajili ya wenye njaa na walinda amani kwa wale wanaokabiliwa na vita za wenyewe kwa wenyewe na mwisho vitu hivi vyote havisaidii chochote kwa sababu unatibu dalili na sio chanzo cha msingi cha matatizo ya Afrika kumpeleka mtu shule na kumpatia dawa mabibi na mabwana, hakutengenezi mafanikio kwa ajili yao mafanikio yanatokana na kipato,kipato kinachokuja kutokana na kupata fursa ya biashara yenye faida au ajira inayolipa vizuri
Now, once we begin to talk about wealth creation in Africa, our second challenge will be, who are the wealth-creating agents in any society? They are entrepreneurs. [Unclear] told us they are always about four percent of the population, but 16 percent are imitators. But they also succeed at the job of entrepreneurship. So, where should we be putting the money? We need to put money where it can productively grow. Support private investment in Africa, both domestic and foreign. Support research institutions, because knowledge is an important part of wealth creation.
kwa hiyo tunaapoanza kuongelea kutengeneza mafanikio katika Afrika changamoto yetu ya pili itakuwa ni, ni kina nani ambao ni mawakala wa utengenezaji wa mafanikio katika jamii yoyote ni wajasiriamali ..[haileweki] .... alituambia kuwa siku zote asilimia 4 ya watu,lakini asilimia 16 ni waigaji lakini pia wanafanikiwa katika ujasiriamali kwa hiyo tuwekeze pesa zetu wapi sasa? tunahitaji kuwekeza pesa zetu pale ambapo itazaa wezesha uwekezeji binafsi Afrika,uwekezaji kutoka ndani na nje wezesha taasisi za utafiti, kwa sababu maarifa ni sehemu muhimu ya utengenezaji wa mafanikio
But what is the international aid community doing with Africa today? They are throwing large sums of money for primary health, for primary education, for food relief. The entire continent has been turned into a place of despair, in need of charity. Ladies and gentlemen, can any one of you tell me a neighbor, a friend, a relative that you know, who became rich by receiving charity? By holding the begging bowl and receiving alms? Does any one of you in the audience have that person? Does any one of you know a country that developed because of the generosity and kindness of another? Well, since I'm not seeing the hand, it appears that what I'm stating is true.
lakini ni nini jumuiya ya misaada ya kimataifa inafanya afrika leo? wanatupa kiasi kikubwa cha pesa kwa ajili ya huduma za msingi za afya, elimu na misaada ya chakula. bara lote limegeuzwa kuwa ni, sehemu ya matatizo inayohitaji msaada mabibi na mabwana,kuna yeyote anayeweza kuniambia jirani,rafiki,ndugu unayemjua ambaye alikuwa tajiri kwa kupokea misaada? kwa kushika bakuli la kuombea? kuna mtu yeyote kati yenu aliye na mtu wa aina hiyo? kuna yeyote anayejua nchi iliyoendelea kwa sababu ya huruma na ukarimu wa nchi nyingine? kwa kuwa sioni mkono wowote inaonekana ninachokiongea kuwa ni sahihi
(Bono: Yes!)
Bono:ndio
Andrew Mwenda: I can see Bono says he knows the country. Which country is that?
Andrew Mwenda: naona bono anasema anaijua nchi hiyo. ni nchi gani hiyo?
(Bono: It's an Irish land.)
Bono:ni jina la kiireland
(Laughter)
(vicheko)
(Bono: [unclear])
Bono[haileweki]
AM: Thank you very much. But let me tell you this. External actors can only present to you an opportunity. The ability to utilize that opportunity and turn it into an advantage depends on your internal capacity. Africa has received many opportunities. Many of them we haven't benefited much. Why? Because we lack the internal, institutional framework and policy framework that can make it possible for us to benefit from our external relations. I'll give you an example.
asante sana. lakini naomba nikwambie kuwa wasaidizi kutoka nje watakachokupa ni fursa tu uwezo wa kuitumia na kuigeuza kuwa faida unategemea na uwezo ulionao afrika imepata fursa nyingi nyingi kati ya hizo hazijatusaidia sana. kwa nini? kwa sababu tumekosa uwezo kutoka ndani na sera zitakazowezesha kufaidika na mahusiano yetu ya nje.nitatoa mfano
Under the Cotonou Agreement, formerly known as the Lome Convention, African countries have been given an opportunity by Europe to export goods, duty-free, to the European Union market. My own country, Uganda, has a quota to export 50,000 metric tons of sugar to the European Union market. We haven't exported one kilogram yet. We import 50,000 metric tons of sugar from Brazil and Cuba. Secondly, under the beef protocol of that agreement, African countries that produce beef have quotas to export beef duty-free to the European Union market. None of those countries, including Africa's most successful nation, Botswana, has ever met its quota.
chini ya makubaliano ya Cotonou zamani yakijulikana kama makubaliano ya Lome nchi za afrika zimepewa nafasi na bara la ulaya ya kusafirisha bidhaa bila ushuru katika soko lao Nchi yangu mwenyewe,Uganda imepewa kuuza kiasi cha tani 50 000 za sukari kwenda katika soko la ulaya mpaka sasa hatujauza hata kilo moja tunaagiza tani 50 000 za sukari kutoka brazili na Cuba pili,upande wa nyama katika makubaliano haya nchi za afrika zinazozalisha nyama zimepewa kiasi cha kuuza bila ushuru katika soko la ulaya hakuna nchi yoyote ikiwamo botswana,nchi iliyofanikiwa sana afrika ambayo imefanikiwa kufikia kiwango hicho
So, I want to argue today that the fundamental source of Africa's inability to engage the rest of the world in a more productive relationship is because it has a poor institutional and policy framework. And all forms of intervention need support, the evolution of the kinds of institutions that create wealth, the kinds of institutions that increase productivity. How do we begin to do that, and why is aid the bad instrument? Aid is the bad instrument, and do you know why? Because all governments across the world need money to survive. Money is needed for a simple thing like keeping law and order. You have to pay the army and the police to show law and order. And because many of our governments are quite dictatorial, they need really to have the army clobber the opposition. The second thing you need to do is pay your political hangers-on. Why should people support their government? Well, because it gives them good, paying jobs, or, in many African countries, unofficial opportunities to profit from corruption.
kwa hiyo nataka kusema kuwa msingi wa afrika kushindwa kushirikiana kikamilifu na nchi nyingine duniani katika mahusiano ya kiuchumi ni kwa sababu ya uwezo mbovu kitaasisi na kisera njia zozote za utatuzi zinahitaji msaada kuanzishwa kwa taasisi zinazotengeneza mafanikio taasisi zinazoongeza uzalishaji tunaanzaje kufanya hivyo na kwa nini misaada si njia nzuri? misaada si njia nzuri,unajua ni kwa nini? ni kwa sababu serikali zote duniani zinahitaji pesa ili zidumu pesa inahitajika kwa ajili ya kufanya vitu kama kuhakikisha usalama. unahitaji kulipa wanajeshi na polisi kulinda usalama. na kwa sababu serikali zetu nyingi ni za kidikteta wanahitaji jeshi kunyanyasa wapinzani na pili unahitaji kulipa washirika wako wa kisiasa kwa nini watu waisaidie serikali yao? kwa sababu inawapa kazi yenye malipo mazuri au,katika nchi nyingi za africa,nafasi zisizo rasmi za kujinufaisha na rushwa
The fact is no government in the world, with the exception of a few, like that of Idi Amin, can seek to depend entirely on force as an instrument of rule. Many countries in the [unclear], they need legitimacy. To get legitimacy, governments often need to deliver things like primary education, primary health, roads, build hospitals and clinics. If the government's fiscal survival depends on it having to raise money from its own people, such a government is driven by self-interest to govern in a more enlightened fashion. It will sit with those who create wealth. Talk to them about the kind of policies and institutions that are necessary for them to expand a scale and scope of business so that it can collect more tax revenues from them. The problem with the African continent and the problem with the aid industry is that it has distorted the structure of incentives facing the governments in Africa. The productive margin in our governments' search for revenue does not lie in the domestic economy, it lies with international donors.
ukweli ni kwamba hakuna serikali duniani ukiondoa chache kama ile ya Idi Amin ambazo zitategemea nguvu katika kutawala nchi nyingi katika [haileweki],zinahitaji uhalali kujihalalisha, serikali mara nyingi inaleta vitu kama elimu ya msingi huduma za afya,barabara, hospitali na vituo vya afya kama kusimama kwa serikali kiuchumi kunategemea kuingiza pesa kutoka kwa watu wake serikali kama hiyo inaendeshwa na maslahi binafsi ikitawala kwa kutoa amri itakaa na wanaoingiza fedha kuongea nao kuhusu sera na taasisi ambazo ni muhimu kwao kwa ajili ya kukuza biashara zao ili iweze kukusanya kodi zaidi kutoka kwao tatizo la bara la afrika na mashirika ya misaada ni kwamba imeharibu mfumo wa kujitegemea unaozikumba serikali za Afrika inatafuta mapato ya maana sio katika uchumi wa ndani bali kutoka kwa wafadhili
Rather than sit with Ugandan --
baada ya kukaa na
(Applause) --
makofi
rather than sit with Ugandan entrepreneurs, Ghanaian businessmen, South African enterprising leaders, our governments find it more productive to talk to the IMF and the World Bank. I can tell you, even if you have ten Ph.Ds., you can never beat Bill Gates in understanding the computer industry. Why? Because the knowledge that is required for you to understand the incentives necessary to expand a business -- it requires that you listen to the people, the private sector actors in that industry.
baada ya kukaa na wajasiriamali wa Uganda wafanyabiashara wa Ghana,au viongozi wa viwanda wa afrika ya kusini serikali zetu zinaona ni bora kuongea na IMF na benki ya dunia hata kama utakuwa na madaktari wa falsafa kumi hauwezi kumshinda Bill Gates kuhusu ufahamu wa biashara ya kompyuta kwa nini?kwa sababu maarifa yanayohitajika ili uelewe jinsi ya kukuza biashara yanahitaji uwasikilize watu walio katika sekta binafsi
Governments in Africa have therefore been given an opportunity, by the international community, to avoid building productive arrangements with your own citizens, and therefore allowed to begin endless negotiations with the IMF and the World Bank, and then it is the IMF and the World Bank that tell them what its citizens need. In the process, we, the African people, have been sidelined from the policy-making, policy-orientation, and policy- implementation process in our countries. We have limited input, because he who pays the piper calls the tune. The IMF, the World Bank, and the cartel of good intentions in the world has taken over our rights as citizens, and therefore what our governments are doing, because they depend on aid, is to listen to international creditors rather than their own citizens.
serikali za afrika kwa hiyo zimepewa nafasi na jamii ya kimataifa kujiondoa katika kujenga mipango endelevu na wananchi wao na kufanya majadiliano yasiyoisha na IMF na benki ya dunia na baada ya hapo ni IMF na benki ya dunia ambao wanawaeleza kile wananchi wao wanachihitaji katika hali hiyo watu wa afrika wanaachwa pembeni katika utengenezaji na utekelezaji wa sera katika nchi zetu tunakuwa hatuna mchango, kwa kuwa amlipaye mpiga filimbi ndiye anayechagua wimbo IMF, Benki ya dunia na muunganiko wa watoa misaada wametunyang'anya haki zetu sisi kama raia kwa hiyo ambacho serikali zetu inafanya kwa kuwa zinategemea misaada ni kuwasikiliza wafadhili kuliko wananchi wao wenyewe
But I want to put a caveat on my argument, and that caveat is that it is not true that aid is always destructive. Some aid may have built a hospital, fed a hungry village. It may have built a road, and that road may have served a very good role. The mistake of the international aid industry is to pick these isolated incidents of success, generalize them, pour billions and trillions of dollars into them, and then spread them across the whole world, ignoring the specific and unique circumstances in a given village, the skills, the practices, the norms and habits that allowed that small aid project to succeed -- like in Sauri village, in Kenya, where Jeffrey Sachs is working -- and therefore generalize this experience as the experience of everybody.
lakini nataka niweke angalizo katika maelezo yangu na angalizo hili ni kuwa si kila msaada ni mbaya baadhi ya misaada inaweza ikawa imejenga hospitali na kulisha wenye njaa inaweza ikawa imejenga barabara na hiyo barabara inaweza ikawa imefanya kazi nzuri Kosa la jamii ya misaada ya kimataifa ni kuchagua mafanikio haya machache na kuingiza mabillioni kwa matrillioni ya Dola na baadaye kuyatangaza dunia nzima wakisahau mazingira mengine tofauti katika kijiji ujuzi, mazoea na tabia vilivyosababisha mradi mdogo wa msaada kufanikiwa kama katika kijiji cha sauri, Kenya,ambako Jeffrey Sachs yupo na kuifanya kuwa ndio hali ya kila mtu
Aid increases the resources available to governments, and that makes working in a government the most profitable thing you can have, as a person in Africa seeking a career. By increasing the political attractiveness of the state, especially in our ethnically fragmented societies in Africa, aid tends to accentuate ethnic tensions as every single ethnic group now begins struggling to enter the state in order to get access to the foreign aid pie. Ladies and gentlemen, the most enterprising people in Africa cannot find opportunities to trade and to work in the private sector because the institutional and policy environment is hostile to business. Governments are not changing it. Why? Because they don't need to talk to their own citizens. They talk to international donors. So, the most enterprising Africans end up going to work for government, and that has increased the political tensions in our countries precisely because we depend on aid.
misaada inaongeza rasilimali kwa serikali na hiyo inasababisha kufanya kazi serikalini kuwa na faida utakuta mtu Afrika anatafuta ajira kwa kuongeza ushawishi wa kisiasa wa serikali na hasa katika jamii zetu zenye makabila mbalimbali misaada inachochea misuguano ya kikabila kwa kuwa kila kabila litakuwa linataka kuingia serikalini ili liweze kupata sehemu ya misaada mabibi na mabwana,watu wenye ujuzi zaidi Afrika hawapati fursa za kufanya kazi na biashara na sekta binafsi kwa kuwa sera zilizopo hazivutii biashara serikali hazitaki kubadilisha hali hii, Kwa nini? kwa sababu hawahitaji kuongea na wananchi wao. wanaongea na mashirika ya misaada ya kimataifa kwa hiyo waafrika wenye ujuzi zaidi wanaishia kufanya kazi serikalini na hiyo imeongeza misuguano ya kisiasa katika nchi zetu kwa kuwa tunategemea misaada
I also want to say that it is important for us to note that, over the last 50 years, Africa has been receiving increasing aid from the international community, in the form of technical assistance, and financial aid, and all other forms of aid. Between 1960 and 2003, our continent received 600 billion dollars of aid, and we are still told that there is a lot of poverty in Africa. Where has all the aid gone?
nataka kusema pia ni muhimu kwetu kukumbuka kuwa kwa miaka 50 iliyopita Afrika imekuwa ikipokea misaada inayozidi kuongezeka kutoka kwa jamii ya kimataifa katika njia za misaada ya kiufundi na fedha na katika njia nyingine za misaada kati ya mwaka 1960 na 2003 bara letu lilipokea dola billioni 600 za misaada na bado tunaelezwa kuwa kuna umaskini mwingi katika bara la afrika misaada yote hii imeenda wapi?
I want to use the example of my own country, called Uganda, and the kind of structure of incentives that aid has brought there. In the 2006-2007 budget, expected revenue: 2.5 trillion shillings. The expected foreign aid: 1.9 trillion. Uganda's recurrent expenditure -- by recurrent what do I mean? Hand-to-mouth is 2.6 trillion. Why does the government of Uganda budget spend 110 percent of its own revenue? It's because there's somebody there called foreign aid, who contributes for it. But this shows you that the government of Uganda is not committed to spending its own revenue to invest in productive investments, but rather it devotes this revenue to paying structure of public expenditure. Public administration, which is largely patronage, takes 690 billion. The military, 380 billion. Agriculture, which employs 18 percent of our poverty-stricken citizens, takes only 18 billion. Trade and industry takes 43 billion. And let me show you, what does public expenditure -- rather, public administration expenditure -- in Uganda constitute? There you go. 70 cabinet ministers, 114 presidential advisers, by the way, who never see the president, except on television.
nataka kutumia mfano wa nchi yangu mwenyewe ya Uganda jinsi misaada ilivyoleta mfumo wa utegemezi Katika bajeti ya 2006-2007,makisio ya mapato yalikuwa ni 2.5 trillion shillings makisio ya misaada ilikuwa ni 1.9 trillion. Matumizi ya Uganda yanayojirudi rudia,ninaposema hivi ninamaanisha nini? ninamaanisha kutoka mkononi kwenda mdomoni ni trillioni 2.6 Kwa nini bajeti ya serikali ya Uganda inatumia asilimia 110 ya mapato yake? kwa sababu kuna mtu anayeitwa misaada anayeichangia Lakini hii inakuonyesha kuwa serikali ya Uganda haijajifunga kutumia mapato yake yenyewe kuwekeze katika uzalishaji Lakini inatumia mapato haya kulipia matumizi ya sekta ya umma usimamizi wa serikali ambao ni wa kujuana sana,unachukua billioni 690 Jeshi, billioni 380 Kilimo ambacho kinaajiri asilimia 18 ya watu wetu ambao wengi ni maskini kinachukua billioni 18 tu. Viwanda na biashara vinachukua billioni 43 Ngoja nikuonyeshe ni nini matumizi ya umma matumizi ya usimamizi wa umma yana nini ndani yake? mawaziri 70, washauri wa rais 114 ambao hawaonani na rais, isipokuwa katika runinga
(Laughter)
vicheko
(Applause)
makofi
And when they see him physically, it is at public functions like this, and even there, it is him who advises them.
na pale wanapokutana naye ni katika shughuli za kijamii kama hii, na hata hapo ni yeye anayewashauri
(Laughter)
vicheko
We have 81 units of local government. Each local government is organized like the central government -- a bureaucracy, a cabinet, a parliament, and so many jobs for the political hangers-on. There were 56, and when our president wanted to amend the constitution and remove term limits, he had to create 25 new districts, and now there are 81. Three hundred thirty-three members of parliament. You need Wembley Stadium to host our parliament. One hundred thirty-four commissions and semi-autonomous government bodies, all of which have directors and the cars. And the final thing, this is addressed to Mr. Bono. In his work, he may help us on this.
tuna serikali za mitaa 81 kila moja imeundwa kama serikali kuu watawala, baraza la mawaziri, bunge na kazi nyingine nyingi kwa washirika wa kisiasa zilikuwa 56,na pale rais wetu alipotaka kubadilisha katiba ili kuondoa ukomo wa kutawala aliunda wilaya mpya 25, na sasa kuna wilaya 81 wabunge 333 unahitaji uwanja cha wembley kuweza kufanya kikao cha bunge letu tume 134 na vyombo vya serikali vyenye uhuru usio kamili vyote vikiwa na wakurugenzi na magari, na kitu cha mwisho hii naielekeza kwa Ndugu Bono. katika kazi yake anaweza akatusaidia katika hili
A recent government of Uganda study found that there are 3,000 four-wheel drive motor vehicles at the Minister of Health headquarters. Uganda has 961 sub-counties, each of them with a dispensary, none of which has an ambulance. So, the four-wheel drive vehicles at the headquarters drive the ministers, the permanent secretaries, the bureaucrats and the international aid bureaucrats who work in aid projects, while the poor die without ambulances and medicine.
utafiti wa karibuni wa serikali ya Uganda uligundua kuwa kuna magari ya kifahari 3000 katika makao makuu ya waziri wa afya Uganda ina tarafa 961,kila moja ikiwa na kituo cha afya lakini hakuna hata kimoja chenye gari la kubebea wagonjwa kwa hiyo magari ya kifahari makao makuu yanawaendesha mawaziri,makatibu wa wizara,viongozi viongozi kutoka mashirika ya misaada wanaofanya katika miradi ya misaada wakati maskini wanakufa kwa kukosa magari ya wagonjwa na madawa
Finally, I want to say that before I came to speak here, I was told that the principle of TEDGlobal is that the good speech should be like a miniskirt. It should be short enough to arouse interest, but long enough to cover the subject. I hope I have achieved that.
Mwisho,nataka kusema kuwa kabla ya kuja hapa kuzungumza niliambiwa kuwa msingi wa TEDGlobal ni kuwa hotuba nzuri inatakiwa iwe kama sketi fupi inatakiwa iwe fupi kiasi cha kuamsha hisia lakini pia ndefu kufunika jambo lenyewe natumaini nimefanikisha hilo
(Laughter)
vicheko
Thank you very much.
Asante sana
(Applause)
makofi