Like many of you, I'm often frustrated by the democratic process. It's messy, it's complicated, it's often inefficient. Our political leaders feel disconnected from the concerns of ordinary people. Many feel that voting every few years for leaders disconnected from their daily challenges is pointless. But before we reject democracy, let's imagine what it could be. And I believe that African activists are redefining democracy by putting protest at its center, what I refer to as "protest democracy."
我和許多人一樣, 對民主過程感到很挫折。 它很混亂,它很複雜, 它通常很沒效率。 我們的政治領袖似乎和一般人 所關心的事物沒有連結。 許多人覺得,每幾年投一次票, 選出與其日常生活困難 沒有連結的領袖, 是無意義的。 但在我們抵制民主之前, 咱們來試想,它能是怎樣的。 我相信非洲的激進分子 正在重新定義民主, 他們把抗議放在民主的中心位置, 我稱之為「抗議民主」。
International organizations and academic experts define democracy as regular, multiparty electoral competition. But democracy should not only be about elites competing at the ballot box. For it to have meaning, it's something we must engage in every day. When I say "protest democracy," I'm challenging how we think about democratic action. Viewing democracy as only elections is no longer adequate and threatens democracy itself. So we must protest democracy to give it a renewed meaning.
國際組織以及學術專家 把民主定義為定期的多黨選舉競爭。 但民主的重點不該 只是菁英在競爭選票。 若要讓它有意義, 我們每天都要與其有所連結。 當我說「抗議民主」, 我是在挑戰我們對於 民主行動的想法。 只將民主視為選舉,已經不再適當, 且會對民主本身造成威脅。 所以我們必須要抗議民主, 來將之重新定義。
What would this look like? We need to turn to African societies, where ordinary people are increasingly taking to the streets to transform their lives. African social movements have often been at the forefront of conceptualizing democracy in this way. This may come as a surprise to those of who think that the only way Africans engage in politics is through the barrel of the gun. But increasingly, young people are taking to the streets and abandoning organized violence in favor of more effective nonviolent action.
這看起來會是什麼樣子? 我們得要轉向非洲社會, 在那裡,一般人越來越常走上街頭, 去轉變他們的人生。 非洲社會運動通常都 處在以這種方式 將民主給概念化的最前線。 有些人可能會感到驚訝, 那些人認為非洲人只有透過槍管 才能參與政治。 但有越來越多年輕人走上街頭, 放棄組織暴力, 支持更有效益的非暴力行動。
I've spent much of the past two decades talking to African activists, both violent and nonviolent. Across Africa, young people are rising up to challenge almost every type of regime known to humanity. This is my friend Thiat. He's a rapper from Senegal. He led a large movement in Senegal that was successful in preventing the president from stealing a third term. From Morocco to Lesotho, young people are rising up against entrenched monarchies: in Egypt and Sudan, against brutal dictatorships; in Uganda and Ethiopia, against powerful militarized states with quasi-democratic veneers; in South Africa, where this image was taken, and Burundi, against democratically elected leaders who have done little to improve the conditions for ordinary people. Across the continent, protest is not exceptional, but a normal part of life. Africans use protests to challenge both dictators as well as power cuts. In a way, Africans are protesting democracy itself, enriching its possibilities for us all.
過去二十年,我大部分的時間 都在和非洲激進分子交談, 包括暴力派和非暴力派。 在整個非洲,年輕人開始站起來, 挑戰幾乎人類所知道的每一種政體。 這是我的朋友西亞特。 他是塞內加爾的饒舌歌手。 他在塞內加爾領導了 一個大型運動,成功預防 總統偷取第三次任期。 從摩洛哥到賴索托, 年輕人起義,對抗 根深蒂固的君主政體: 在埃及和蘇丹, 對抗殘酷的獨裁政府; 在烏干達和衣索比亞, 對抗披著民主外表的 強大軍國主義國家; 在南非,也就是 拍攝這張照片的地方, 以及蒲隆地, 對抗由民主選出來的領袖, 因為他們幾乎沒有去 改善平民的生活條件。 在世界各地,抗議並非不尋常, 它成了正常生活的一部分。 非洲人用抗議來挑戰獨裁者 以及斷電的狀況。 在某種意義上,非洲人 是在抗議民主本身, 為我們所有人增加民主的可能性。
There have been two major waves of African protest, and we are currently living through the third, which began around 2005. It includes the so-called Arab Spring, which took place mostly on the continent. The first wave took place in the 1940s and 1950s and led to Africa's decolonization. Kwame Nkrumah led a broad coalition in Ghana that overthrew British rule, providing a template for nonviolent movements globally. The second wave took place in the 1980s and 1990s against austerity measures that imposed harsh conditions on African economies. These protests led to the overthrow of autocratic regimes and led to the introduction of multiparty elections across the continent.
已經有過兩波非洲抗議的大風波, 我們現在正在經歷第三波, 這一波約始於 2005 年。 它包括了所謂的阿拉伯之春, 其主要發生地點是在非洲大陸。 第一波發生在四○及五○年代, 導致了非洲的非殖民地化。 夸梅恩克魯瑪在迦納 領導了一個廣大的聯盟, 推翻了英國的統治, 為全世界提供了一個 非暴力運動的範本。 第二波發生在八○和九○年代, 對抗財政緊縮措施, 因其帶給非洲經濟 惡劣的條件。 這些抗議導致獨裁政體被推翻, 也導致在非洲各地 開始推行多黨選舉。
The ongoing third wave is correcting the shortcomings of the earlier two. If the first wave brought liberation but not democracy, and the second, elections but only for the elites, then it is the third wave that is most concerned with transforming democracy into the rule of the people. It includes movements like Y'en a Marre in Senegal, Le Balai Citoyen in Burkina Faso, Tajamuka in Zimbabwe, LUCHA and Filimbi in the Democratic Republic of Congo, movements that work outside of more conventional nongovernmental organizations and political parties to challenge the economic and political system itself, often at great risk. Brilliant young activists like LUCHA's Fred Bauma have been detained and tortured, often with little to no outcry from the international community. The list goes on, as you can see from some of the data we collected. There have been large popular protests in over 40 African countries since 2005, and if you look, you'll recognize that in 2011, the year of the so-called Arab Spring, was actually the spike of this broader wave. Contrary to popular belief, many of these protests have been successful. We know of the dictators falling in Tunisia and in Egypt, but popular movements have prevented presidents from stealing third terms in Senegal, in Malawi and Burkina Faso as well.
正在發生的第三波,目的 是在修正前兩波的缺點。 若第一波帶來了自由,但沒有民主, 而第二波帶來了選舉,但僅限菁英, 那麼,第三波 主要目的就是要把民主給轉換 成為人民的統治。 這一波的運動包括塞內加爾的 Y'en a Marre(團體名)、 布基那法索的 Le Balai Citoyen、 辛巴威的 Tajamuka、 剛果民主共和國的 LUCHA 和 Filimbi, 這些運動的運作,都已經 超出了常見的非政府組織 以及政黨, 去挑戰經濟和政治體制本身, 通常風險都很大。 傑出的年輕激進分子, 像 LUCHA 的佛雷德巴烏瑪, 遭到拘留和刑求, 卻幾乎沒有來自國際社會的抗議聲。 清單還很長,從我們所收集的 一些資料中可以看出。 自從 2005 年起,在至少四十個 非洲國家都有大型的群眾抗議, 從圖中可以看出,在 2011 年, 所謂阿拉伯之春的那一年, 正是這更廣的一波抗議的高峰。 和大家所相信的相反, 這些抗議當中有許多是成功的。 我們知道在突尼西亞 和埃及有獨裁者垮台, 但群眾運動已經預防了 總統偷取第三次任期, 在塞內加爾、馬拉威、 布基那法索都可以看見。
What's driving this upsurge of protest? Demographically, Africa is both the youngest and the fastest-growing continent, with the largest age gap between the people and their rulers. It is urbanizing at a tremendous pace. Economically, African countries have been growing for over a decade now, largely driven by investments from Asia. But little of this wealth is trickling down. Formal jobs in the industrial sector are actually decreasing, with informal labor the only option left for people to eke out a living. As a result, inequality is skyrocketing, and political leaders are increasingly disconnected from their much younger populations.
這波抗議高潮背後的動因是什麼? 人口統計上來說,非洲是最年輕 且成長最快速的大陸, 人民和統治者之間的年齡差異最大。 其都市化的速度快得驚人。 經濟上,非洲國家 現在已經成長了十年, 主要是由亞洲的投資所驅動的。 但這財富很少滴下 (註:經濟上的滴入論)。 在工業部門的正式工作 其實正在減少, 人民若要勉強維生,只剩下 一個選擇:非正式的工作。 因此,不平等突然快速高漲, 政治領袖與年輕人口 越來越沒有連結。
For those of us from outside of Africa, we're familiar with parts of this story: a massive spike in inequality, the product of a decline in good jobs for good wages that were once considered the hallmark of an advanced society; the capture of our political parties by elites accompanied by the hollowing out of civil society that once provided a voice to ordinary people; that sinking feeling that no matter what you do, external factors related to the global economy can disrupt our lives for the worse. Our political leaders seem helpless, insisting on austerity, even as public goods diminish to levels unseen in decades. And this is when they're not succumbing to exclusionary nationalism, blaming our woes on the weak rather than the powerful. What those of us from North America and Western Europe consider to be new has been the normal condition of African life since the 1970s. So who better to learn from than those who have been engaged in resistance to these conditions for the longest period of time?
至於我們這些來自非洲之外的人, 我們熟知這個故事的一些部分: 不平等的高峰、 它是好薪水好工作-過去曾被認為是 先進社會的標誌- 減少,所造成的結果; 我們的政黨被菁英給佔領, 伴隨著曾能賦予人民聲音的 公民社會也被挖空; 還有種要出事的感覺, 好像不論你做什麼, 和全球經濟相關的外在因子 都能打亂我們的生活,讓它變更糟。 我們的政治領袖似乎很無助, 堅持採取緊縮, 即使公眾得益縮減到了 數十年來沒見過的低點。 且這是在當他們沒有 屈服於排斥性民族主義, 將我們的不幸怪罪於 弱勢者而非有權者時。 被我們來自北美和西歐的人 認為是新的狀況, 其實打從七○年代起在 非洲生活中就是很正常的。 所以,最好的學習對象 不就是曾參與過抵抗那些狀況且持續 抵抗最久的那些人?
What can we learn from African protest democracy? First, democracy must begin with ordinary people. Viewing democracy as only elections has led to widespread disillusionment. We must instead work to center ordinary people in democratic life. Protest provides us one way to do that. Regardless of your age, sexuality, your gender, whether you're a citizen or a non-citizen, able-bodied or disabled, anyone can participate. In contrast to elections, protests are not confined by rigid electoral cycles. They offer a much more immediate form of action in our era of instant feedback.
我們從非洲的 抗議民主中能學到什麼? 首先,民主必須要始於一般人民。 只把民主視為是選舉, 已經造成了廣泛的幻想破滅。 我們反而必須努力把人民 放在民主生活的中心。 要做到這點,抗議是一種方式。 不論你的年齡、性向、性別, 不論你是公民或非公民、 殘障或非殘障, 人人都可以參與。 抗議和選舉大不相同, 抗議並沒有受到死板的 選舉週期給限制。 抗議提供的是一種立即形式的行動, 在我們這個即時回饋的時代。
Second, while protests may be messy, this is what makes them powerful. Protests are contentious and contested processes, defined by contingent actions, often devoid of clear messaging, characterized by incomplete organization. These dynamics are what makes it easy to dismiss protests as riots or to assume they are of limited political utility. But it also makes them easier to suppress. Too often, governments do not view protests as elementary to democracy. Instead, they violently crush social movements or work to discredit their message.
第二,雖然抗議可能會很混亂, 這也是抗議強大的原因。 抗議是引起爭論和辯駁的過程, 由無法預料的行動所定義, 通常沒有很清楚的訊息, 特徵是不完整的組織。 這些動力讓抗議很容易 被視為暴動而不加理會, 或是假設它們的政治效用有限。 但這也讓抗議變得很容易鎮壓。 太常見的狀況是,政府不把 抗議視為是民主的基礎。 反之,政府用暴力來摧毀社會運動, 或是努力去抵毀它們的訊息。
Third, as I already hinted, protest is the space from which new political imaginations may emerge. Protests are about coloring outside the lines, a way for ordinary people to rewrite the rules of the game that too many feel are stacked against them. Many young people in Africa have grown up in societies where a single ruler has ruled their entire lives. Protest is the space for new possibilities to emerge, as young people begin to discover their own power.
第三,我已經暗示過, 抗議是一個空間,讓新的 政治想像可以浮現的空間。 抗議的重點是要打破規則, 抗議是種方式,能讓一般人 重寫被太多人認為 有弊端且對其不利的遊戲規則。 在非洲,許多年輕人所成長的社會, 在他們一生中都沒換過統治者。 抗議,是讓新的可能性 得以浮現的空間, 因為年輕人會開始 發現他們自己的力量。
Consider the situation of my friend Linda Masarira, a single mother of five, who is leading protests against the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe. She has been beaten, arrested, harassed. But Linda perseveres, because as she told me a few months ago, protest has given her a sense of meaning and direction. And though she knows the odds against her, Linda perseveres.
想想我朋友琳達瑪莎里拉的情況, 單親媽媽,有五個孩子, 她在辛巴威領導對抗 穆加比政權的抗議活動。 她曾被毆打、逮捕、騷擾。 但琳達堅持不懈,因為, 如她幾個月前告訴過我的, 抗議讓她有了意義感與方向感。 雖然她知道自己勝算不高, 她仍然堅持不懈。
Like Linda and other young African activists, we all must work to redefine democracy as something more than just elections and political parties. Democracy is a creative process, and protest has always been the vehicle for expanding our political imaginations beyond what we are told is possible.
就像琳達及其他年輕的 非洲激進分子一樣, 我們都得要努力重新定義民主, 定義為不僅是選舉和政治黨派。 民主是個創意的過程, 抗議一直是其工具媒介, 擴展我們的政治想像,不要 讓別人來告訴我們什麼是可能的。
(In Swahili) Thank you very much.
(斯華西里語)非常謝謝。
(Applause)
(掌聲)