Like many of you, I'm often frustrated by the democratic process. It's messy, it's complicated, it's often inefficient. Our political leaders feel disconnected from the concerns of ordinary people. Many feel that voting every few years for leaders disconnected from their daily challenges is pointless. But before we reject democracy, let's imagine what it could be. And I believe that African activists are redefining democracy by putting protest at its center, what I refer to as "protest democracy."
Kot mnogi od vas, sem pogosto razočaran nad demokratičnim procesom. Je zmeden, je zapleten, je pogosto neučinkovit. Čutiti je, da so naši politični voditelji ločeni od skrbi navadnih ljudi. Mnogi menijo, da volitve na nekaj let za voditelje, nepovezane z vsakodnevnimi izzivi, niso smiselne. Toda preden zavrnemo demokracijo, pomislimo, kaj bi lahko bila. In verjamem, da afriški aktivisti redefinirajo demokracijo tako, da protest postavljajo v središče, kar imenujem "protestno demokracijo".
International organizations and academic experts define democracy as regular, multiparty electoral competition. But democracy should not only be about elites competing at the ballot box. For it to have meaning, it's something we must engage in every day. When I say "protest democracy," I'm challenging how we think about democratic action. Viewing democracy as only elections is no longer adequate and threatens democracy itself. So we must protest democracy to give it a renewed meaning.
Mednarodne organizacije in akademski strokovnjaki opredeljujejo demokracijo kot redne, večstrankarske volilne tekme. A demokracija ne bi smela biti le o elitah, ki si konkurirajo na voliščih. Da ima smisel, se moramo zavzemati vsak dan. Ko rečem "protestna demokracija", ugovarjam načinu razmišljanja o demokratičnem delovanju. Gledanje na demokracijo, kot da so zgolj volitve, ni več ustrezno in ogroža demokracijo samo. Zato moramo protestirati, da demokraciji prenovimo pomen.
What would this look like? We need to turn to African societies, where ordinary people are increasingly taking to the streets to transform their lives. African social movements have often been at the forefront of conceptualizing democracy in this way. This may come as a surprise to those of who think that the only way Africans engage in politics is through the barrel of the gun. But increasingly, young people are taking to the streets and abandoning organized violence in favor of more effective nonviolent action.
Kako bi to izgledalo? Obrniti se moramo k afriškim družbam, kjer navadni ljudje vedno bolj hodijo na ulice, da preoblikujejo svoje življenje. Afriška družbena gibanja so bila pogosto vodilna pri pojmovanju demokracije na ta način. To lahko preseneča tiste, ki mislijo, da je edini način, da Afričani sodelujejo v politiki, le preko cevi pušk. Toda vedno bolj pogosto mladi hodijo na ulice in opuščajo organizirano nasilje v prid bolj učinkovitemu nenasilnemu delovanju.
I've spent much of the past two decades talking to African activists, both violent and nonviolent. Across Africa, young people are rising up to challenge almost every type of regime known to humanity. This is my friend Thiat. He's a rapper from Senegal. He led a large movement in Senegal that was successful in preventing the president from stealing a third term. From Morocco to Lesotho, young people are rising up against entrenched monarchies: in Egypt and Sudan, against brutal dictatorships; in Uganda and Ethiopia, against powerful militarized states with quasi-democratic veneers; in South Africa, where this image was taken, and Burundi, against democratically elected leaders who have done little to improve the conditions for ordinary people. Across the continent, protest is not exceptional, but a normal part of life. Africans use protests to challenge both dictators as well as power cuts. In a way, Africans are protesting democracy itself, enriching its possibilities for us all.
Zadnji dve desetletji sem se veliko pogovarjal z afriškimi aktivisti, tako nasilnimi, kot nenasilnimi. Po Afriki se mladi dvigajo proti skoraj vsaki vrsti režima, ki je znana človeštvu. To je moj prijatelj Thiat. Je raper iz Senegala. Vodil je veliko gibanje v Senegalu, ki je uspešno preprečilo predsedniku, da bi ukradel tretji mandat. Od Maroka do Lesota se mladi dvigujejo proti uveljavljenim monarhijam; v Egiptu in Sudanu proti surovim diktaturam; v Ugandi in Etiopiji proti močno militariziranim državam s kvazi-demokratično prevleko; v Južni Afriki, kjer je bila posneta ta slika, in v Burundiju proti demokratično izvoljenim voditeljem, ki so naredili malo, da bi se izboljšali pogoji za navadne ljudi. Po vsej celini protest ni izjemen, ampak normalen del življenja. Afričani uporabljajo proteste tako proti diktatorjem, kot tudi, ko zmanjka elektrike. Na nek način Afričani protestirajo za demokracijo samo in bogatijo možnosti za vse nas.
There have been two major waves of African protest, and we are currently living through the third, which began around 2005. It includes the so-called Arab Spring, which took place mostly on the continent. The first wave took place in the 1940s and 1950s and led to Africa's decolonization. Kwame Nkrumah led a broad coalition in Ghana that overthrew British rule, providing a template for nonviolent movements globally. The second wave took place in the 1980s and 1990s against austerity measures that imposed harsh conditions on African economies. These protests led to the overthrow of autocratic regimes and led to the introduction of multiparty elections across the continent.
V Afriki sta bila dva velika vala protestov in trenutno preživljamo tretjega, ki se je začel okoli leta 2005. Vključuje tako imenovano arabsko pomlad, ki se je odvijala predvsem na tej celini. Prvi val je potekal v štiridesetih in petdesetih letih in je privedel do dekolonizacije Afrike. Kwame Nkrumah je vodil široko koalicijo v Gani, ki je strmoglavila britansko nadvlado, kar je postalo vzor za nenasilna gibanja po vsem svetu. Drugi val je potekal v osemdesetih in devetdesetih proti varčevalnim ukrepom, ki so nalagali hude obremenitve afriškim gospodarstvom. Ti protesti so privedli do strmoglavljenja avtokratskih režimov in do uvedbe večstrankarskih volitev po vsej celini.
The ongoing third wave is correcting the shortcomings of the earlier two. If the first wave brought liberation but not democracy, and the second, elections but only for the elites, then it is the third wave that is most concerned with transforming democracy into the rule of the people. It includes movements like Y'en a Marre in Senegal, Le Balai Citoyen in Burkina Faso, Tajamuka in Zimbabwe, LUCHA and Filimbi in the Democratic Republic of Congo, movements that work outside of more conventional nongovernmental organizations and political parties to challenge the economic and political system itself, often at great risk. Brilliant young activists like LUCHA's Fred Bauma have been detained and tortured, often with little to no outcry from the international community. The list goes on, as you can see from some of the data we collected. There have been large popular protests in over 40 African countries since 2005, and if you look, you'll recognize that in 2011, the year of the so-called Arab Spring, was actually the spike of this broader wave. Contrary to popular belief, many of these protests have been successful. We know of the dictators falling in Tunisia and in Egypt, but popular movements have prevented presidents from stealing third terms in Senegal, in Malawi and Burkina Faso as well.
Sedanji tretji val popravlja pomanjkljivosti prejšnjih dveh. Če je prvi val prinesel osvoboditev, a ne demokracijo, in drugi volitve, ampak samo za elite, potem je tretji val tisti, ki se posveča preoblikovanju demokracije v vladavino ljudstva. To vključuje gibanja kot Y'en a Marre v Senegalu, Le balai citoyen v Burkini Faso, Tajamuka v Zimbabveju, LUCHA in Filimbi v Demokratični republiki Kongo, to so gibanja, ki delujejo zunaj klasičnih nevladnih organizacij in političnih strank, da se upirajo gospodarskemu in političnemu sistemu samemu, pogosto v hudi nevarnosti. Briljantni mladi aktivisti, kot je Fred Bauma iz gibanja LUCHA, so bili zaprti in mučeni, pogosto z malo ali nič ogorčenja mednarodne skupnosti. Seznam se nadaljuje, kot kažejo nekateri podatki, ki smo jih zbrali. Veliki ljudski protesti so bili v več kot 40 afriških državah po letu 2005 in če pogledate, boste videli, da je 2011, leto tako imenovane arabske pomladi, dejansko vrhunec tega širšega vala. V nasprotju s splošnim prepričanjem so bili mnogi od teh protestov uspešni. Vemo za diktatorje, ki so padli v Tuniziji in v Egiptu, a ljudska gibanja so preprečila tudi, da bi predsedniki ukradli tretji mandat v Senegalu, v Malaviju in Burkini Faso.
What's driving this upsurge of protest? Demographically, Africa is both the youngest and the fastest-growing continent, with the largest age gap between the people and their rulers. It is urbanizing at a tremendous pace. Economically, African countries have been growing for over a decade now, largely driven by investments from Asia. But little of this wealth is trickling down. Formal jobs in the industrial sector are actually decreasing, with informal labor the only option left for people to eke out a living. As a result, inequality is skyrocketing, and political leaders are increasingly disconnected from their much younger populations.
Kaj žene ta porast protestov? Demografsko je Afrika tako najmlajša in najhitreje rastoča celina, kot tudi z največjo starostno razliko med ljudmi in njihovimi vladarji. Urbanizira se z izjemno hitrostjo. Gospodarsko so afriške države rasle več kot desetletje, v veliki meri zaradi naložb iz Azije. A le malo tega bogastva prikaplja navzdol. Formalna delovna mesta v industrijskem sektorju dejansko izginjajo, tako da neformalno delo ostane ljudem edina možnost, da preživijo. Zato se neenakost zelo hitro veča in politični voditelji so vse bolj nepovezani s svojimi precej mlajšimi populacijami.
For those of us from outside of Africa, we're familiar with parts of this story: a massive spike in inequality, the product of a decline in good jobs for good wages that were once considered the hallmark of an advanced society; the capture of our political parties by elites accompanied by the hollowing out of civil society that once provided a voice to ordinary people; that sinking feeling that no matter what you do, external factors related to the global economy can disrupt our lives for the worse. Our political leaders seem helpless, insisting on austerity, even as public goods diminish to levels unseen in decades. And this is when they're not succumbing to exclusionary nationalism, blaming our woes on the weak rather than the powerful. What those of us from North America and Western Europe consider to be new has been the normal condition of African life since the 1970s. So who better to learn from than those who have been engaged in resistance to these conditions for the longest period of time?
Mi, ki nismo v Afriki, smo seznanjeni z deli te zgodbe: ogromen porast neenakosti, zaradi upada dobrih delovnih mest za dobre plače, kar je nekoč veljalo za znak napredne družbe; elite so zasegle naše politične stranke, kar spremlja votljenje civilne družbe, ki je nekoč dajala glas navadnim ljudem; ta obupni občutek, da ne glede na to, kaj počnete, lahko zunanji dejavniki, povezani s svetovnim gospodarstvom, pokvarijo naše življenje na slabše. Naši politični voditelji se zde nemočni, ko vztrajajo pri varčevanju, čeprav se javne dobrine zmanjšujejo na raven, nevideno v desetletjih. In to, ko ne podlegajo izključevalnemu nacionalizmu, krivijo za naše nadloge šibke in ne močne. Kar opažamo mi iz Severne Amerike in Zahodne Evrope kot novo, je bilo normalno stanje afriškega življenja od leta 1970. Torej, od koga se je bolje učiti kot od tistih, ki so sodelovali v odporu do teh pogojev najdlje?
What can we learn from African protest democracy? First, democracy must begin with ordinary people. Viewing democracy as only elections has led to widespread disillusionment. We must instead work to center ordinary people in democratic life. Protest provides us one way to do that. Regardless of your age, sexuality, your gender, whether you're a citizen or a non-citizen, able-bodied or disabled, anyone can participate. In contrast to elections, protests are not confined by rigid electoral cycles. They offer a much more immediate form of action in our era of instant feedback.
Kaj se lahko naučimo od afriške protestne demokracije? Prvič, demokracija se mora začeti z navadnimi ljudmi. Pogled na demokracijo, kot da so to samo volitve, je povzročilo široko razočaranje. Namesto tega moramo postaviti navadne ljudi v središče demokratičnega življenja. Eno pot do tega nam zagotavlja protest. Ne glede na starost, spolno usmerjenost, spol, ali ste državljan ali ne, sposobni delati ali ne, vsakdo lahko sodeluje. V nasprotju z volitvami protesti niso omejeni s togimi volilnimi cikli. Nudijo veliko bolj neposreden način delovanja v tej dobi takojšnje povratne informacije.
Second, while protests may be messy, this is what makes them powerful. Protests are contentious and contested processes, defined by contingent actions, often devoid of clear messaging, characterized by incomplete organization. These dynamics are what makes it easy to dismiss protests as riots or to assume they are of limited political utility. But it also makes them easier to suppress. Too often, governments do not view protests as elementary to democracy. Instead, they violently crush social movements or work to discredit their message.
Drugič, čeprav so protesti lahko neurejeni, je to tisto, kar jih naredi močne. Protesti so sporni in tekmovalni postopki, opredeljeni z začasnimi ukrepi, dostikrat brez jasnega sporočila, tipično z nepopolno organizacijo. Te dinamike omogočajo, da se proteste zavrže kot nerede, ali da se šteje, da imajo omejeno politično uporabnost. Ampak zato jih je tudi lažje zatreti. Prepogosto vlade ne gledajo na proteste kot na osnovo demokracije. Namesto tega s silo zatirajo družbena gibanja ali se trudijo diskreditirati njihova sporočila.
Third, as I already hinted, protest is the space from which new political imaginations may emerge. Protests are about coloring outside the lines, a way for ordinary people to rewrite the rules of the game that too many feel are stacked against them. Many young people in Africa have grown up in societies where a single ruler has ruled their entire lives. Protest is the space for new possibilities to emerge, as young people begin to discover their own power.
Tretjič, kot sem že namignil, protest je prostor, od koder lahko izvirajo nove politične domislice. Pri protestih gre za delovanje izven okvirjev, kar je pot za navadne ljudi, da na novo napišejo pravila igre, za katere premnogi čutijo, da so naperjena proti njim. Mnogi mladi ljudje v Afriki so odraščali v družbah, v katerih je en sam vladar vladal vse njihovo življenje. Protest omogoča, da se pojavljajo nove možnosti, ko mladi začno odkrivati svojo moč.
Consider the situation of my friend Linda Masarira, a single mother of five, who is leading protests against the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe. She has been beaten, arrested, harassed. But Linda perseveres, because as she told me a few months ago, protest has given her a sense of meaning and direction. And though she knows the odds against her, Linda perseveres.
Pomislite na položaj moje prijateljice Linde Masarira, matere samohranilke s petimi otroki, ki vodi proteste proti Mugabejevemu režimu v Zimbabveju. Bila je pretepena, aretirana, trpinčena. Toda Linda vztraja, saj, kot mi je povedala pred nekaj meseci, ji je protest dal občutek smisla in smeri. In čeprav ve, kaj vse je proti njej, Linda vztraja.
Like Linda and other young African activists, we all must work to redefine democracy as something more than just elections and political parties. Democracy is a creative process, and protest has always been the vehicle for expanding our political imaginations beyond what we are told is possible.
Tako kot Linda in drugi mladi afriški aktivisti, moramo vsi delati za novo opredelitev demokracije za nekaj več, kot le volitve in politične stranke. Demokracija je ustvarjalni proces in protest je bil vedno vzvod za širjenje naših političnih domislic nad tisto, kar so nam povedali, da je mogoče.
(In Swahili) Thank you very much.
(V svahiliju) Hvala lepa.
(Applause)
(Ploskanje)