Election night 2008 was a night that tore me in half. It was the night that Barack Obama was elected. [One hundred and forty-three] years after the end of slavery, and [43] years after the passage of the Voting Rights Act, an African-American was elected president. Many of us never thought that this was possible until the moment that it happened. And in many ways, it was the climax of the black civil rights movement in the United States.
Izborna noć 2008. bila je noć koja me je pokidala na pola. Bila je to noć u kojoj je Barak Obama izabran. 140 godina po okončanju ropstva, i 43 godine po usvajanju Zakona o pravu glasa, afro-amerikanac izabran je za predsednika. Mnogi od nas nikad nisu pomislili da je to moguće do trenutka kada se to dogodilo. I na mnogo načina, bio je to vrhunac crnačkog pokreta za građanska prava u Sjedinjenim državama.
I was in California that night, which was ground zero at the time for another movement: the marriage equality movement. Gay marriage was on the ballot in the form of Proposition 8, and as the election returns started to come in, it became clear that the right for same sex couples to marry, which had recently been granted by the California courts, was going to be taken away. So on the same night that Barack Obama won his historic presidency, the lesbian and gay community suffered one of our most painful defeats.
Bila sam u Kaliforniji to veče, koja je tada bila nulta tačka za drugi pokret: pokret za jednakost brakova. Gej brakovi bili su na glasanju u formi Predloga broj 8, i kako su izborni rezultati počeli da pristižu, postalo je jasno da će pravo istopolnih parova na brak, koje je nedavno bilo odobreno od strane kalifornijskih sudova biti oduzeto. Tako da iste noći kada je Barak Obama postao istorijski predsednik, lezbejska i gej zajednica pretrpela je jedan od najbolnijih poraza.
And then it got even worse. Pretty much immediately, African-Americans started to be blamed for the passage of Proposition 8. This was largely due to an incorrect poll that said that blacks had voted for the measure by something like 70 percent. This turned out not to be true, but this idea of pervasive black homophobia set in, and was grabbed on by the media. I couldn't tear myself away from the coverage. I listened to some gay commentator say that the African-American community was notoriously homophobic, and now that civil rights had been achieved for us, we wanted to take away other people's rights. There were even reports of racist epithets being thrown at some of the participants of the gay rights rallies that took place after the election. And on the other side, some African-Americans dismissed or ignored homophobia that was indeed real in our community. And others resented this comparison between gay rights and civil rights, and once again, the sinking feeling that two minority groups of which I'm both a part of were competing with each other instead of supporting each other overwhelmed and, frankly, pissed me off.
A onda je postalo još gore. Manje-više odmah, afro-amerikanci okrivljeni su za izglasavanje Predloga broj 8. Tome je u velikoj meri doprinela netačna anketa koja je rekla da su crnci glasali za mere negde oko 70%. Ispalo je da je ovo bilo neistinito ali ta ideja o raširenoj crnačkoj homofobiji se usadila, i mediji su je prigrabili. Nisam se mogla otrgnuti od vesti. Slušala sam nekog gej komentatora kako kaže da je afro-američka zajednica izuzetno homofobična, i da sada kada su građanska prava izborena za nas mi drugima želimo da ih uskratimo. Bilo je čak i izveštaja o rasističkim epitetima upućivanim nekim učesnicima skupova za prava homoseksualaca održanim nakon izbora. A sa druge strane, neki afro-amerikanci su odbacili ili ignorisali homofobiju koja je bila istinski stvarna u našoj zajednici. A drugi su prezreli to poređenje između građanskih prava i prava homoseksualaca, i ponovo, tonuće osećanje da dve manjinske grupe, čijih sam obeju deo se nadmeću jedna sa drugom umesto da se podržavaju preplavio me je i iskreno iznervirao.
Now, I'm a documentary filmmaker, so after going through my pissed off stage and yelling at the television and radio, my next instinct was to make a movie. And what guided me in making this film was, how was this happening? How was it that the gay rights movement was being pitted against the civil rights movement? And this wasn't just an abstract question. I'm a beneficiary of both movements, so this was actually personal. But then something else happened after that election in 2008. The march towards gay equality accelerated at a pace that surprised and shocked everyone, and is still reshaping our laws and our policies, our institutions and our entire country. And so it started to become increasingly clear to me that this pitting of the two movements against each other actually didn't make sense, and that they were in fact much, much more interconnected, and that, in fact, some of the way that the gay rights movement has been able to make such incredible gains so quickly is that it's used some of the same tactics and strategies that were first laid down by the civil rights movement. Let's just look at a few of these strategies.
Sad, ja pravim dokumentarne filmove, tako da prošavši kroz moju iznerviranu fazu vikanja na televizor i radio, moj sledeći instinkt bio je da napravim film. I ono što me je vodilo u pravljenju tog filma bilo je, kako se to dogodilo? Kako to da je pokret za prava homoseksualaca postavljen nasuprot pokretu za građanska prava? I ovo nije bilo samo apstraktno pitanje. Ja imam koristi od oba pokreta, tako da je ovo bilo zapravo lično. Ali onda se još nešto dogodilo posle izbora 2008. Marš za jednakost homoseksualaca ubrzao je tempom koji je iznenadio i šokirao sve, i još uvek preoblikuje naše zakone i našu politiku, naše institucije i celu našu zemlju. I počelo je da mi postaje sve više jasno da to suprotstavljanje dva pokreta jednog protiv drugog zapravo nije imalo smisla, i da su oni zapravo bili mnogo, mnogo više povezani, i da, zapravo, neki od načina na koji je pokret za prava homoseksualaca uspevao da napravi neverovatna postignuća tako brzo bio je da koristi iste taktike i strategije koje su najpre postavljene od strane pokreta za građanska prava. Pogledajmo samo neke od tih strategija.
First off, it's really interesting to see, to actually visually see, how quick the gay rights movement has made its gains, if you look at a few of the major events on a timeline of both freedom movements. Now, there are tons of milestones in the civil rights movement, but the first one we're going to start with is the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott. This was a protest campaign against Montgomery, Alabama's segregation on their public transit system, and it began when a woman named Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat to a white person. The campaign lasted a year, and it galvanized the civil rights movement like nothing had before it. And I call this strategy the "I'm tired of your foot on my neck" strategy.
Prvo, zaista je interesantno pogledati, da zapravo vizuelno prikažemo, kako brzo je pokret za prava homoseksualaca napravio svoja dostignuća, ako pogledate nekoliko glavnih događaja na vremenskoj liniji oba pokreta za slobodu. Sad, tu su tone ključnih trenutaka kod pokreta za građanska prava, ali prvi sa kojim ćemo početi je bojkot autobusa u Montgomeriju 1955. To je bila protestna kampanja protiv segregacije u Montgomeriju, Alabama u njihovom sistemu javnog prevoza i počeo je kada je žena po imenu Rosa Parks odbila da svoje mesto ustupi beloj osobi. Kampanja je trajala godinu dana, i ona je podstakla pokret za građanska prava kao ništa do tada. I ja ovu strategiju zovem "Dosta mi je tvog stopala na mom vratu".
So gays and lesbians have been in society since societies began, but up until the mid-20th century, homosexual acts were still illegal in most states. So just 14 years after the Montgomery bus boycott, a group of LGBT folks took that same strategy. It's known as Stonewall, in 1969, and it's where a group of LGBT patrons fought back against police beatings at a Greenwich Village bar that sparked three days of rioting. Incidentally, black and latino LGBT folks were at the forefront of this rebellion, and it's a really interesting example of the intersection of our struggles against racism, homophobia, gender identity and police brutality. After Stonewall happened, gay liberation groups sprang up all over the country, and the modern gay rights movement as we know it took off.
I homoseksualci i lezbijke prisutni su u društvu od kada društvo postoji, ali sve do sredine 20. veka, homoseksualna ponašanja bila su još uvek nezakonita u većini država. I samo 14 godina nakon bojkota autobusa u Montgomeriju, grupa LGBT aktivista primenila je istu strategiju. Poznata je kao Stounvol, 1969. kada je grupa LGBT aktivista uzvratila na policijska prebijanja u baru u Grinič Vilidžu koje je raspirilo tri dana nemira. Slučajno, crni i latino LGBT aktivisti bili su na čelu ove pobune, i zaista je ovo interesantan primer preplitanja naše bitke protiv rasizma, homofobije, rodnog identiteta i policijske brutalnosti. Nakon što se Stounvol dogodio, grupe za oslobođenje homoseksualaca nicale su svuda po državi, i moderan pokret za prava homoseksualaca, kakvog ga poznajemo, nastao je.
So the next moment to look at on the timeline is the 1963 March on Washington. This was a seminal event in the civil rights movement and it's where African-Americans called for both civil and economic justice. And it's of course where Martin Luther King delivered his famous "I have a dream" speech, but what's actually less known is that this march was organized by a man named Bayard Rustin. Bayard was an out gay man, and he's considered one of the most brilliant strategists of the civil rights movement. He later in his life became a fierce advocate of LGBT rights as well, and his life is testament to the intersection of the struggles. The March on Washington is one of the high points of the movement, and it's where there was a fervent belief that African-Americans too could be a part of American democracy. I call this strategy the "We are visible and many in numbers" strategy.
Sledeći trenutak na vremenskoj liniji da pogledamo je Marš na Vašington 1963. Ovo je bio iskonski događaj u pokretu za građanska prava i tada su afro - amerikanci agitovali i za građansku i za ekonomsku pravdu. I tada je naravno Martin Luter King održao svoj čuveni govor "Ja imam san...", ali manje je poznato zapravo da je ovaj marš organizovao čovek po imenu Bajard Rastin. Bajard je bio otvoreni homoseksualac i smatran je za jednog od najbriljantnijih stratega pokreta za građanska prava. On je kasnije u svom životu postao žestok advokat i za LGBT prava, i njegov život je testament o preplitanju borbi. Marš na Vašingtnon jedan je od vrhunaca pokreta, i vreme žestokog verovanja da afro-amerikanci takođe mogu biti deo američke demokratije. Ja ovu strategiju nazivam strategijom "Mi smo vidljivi i mnogobrojni".
Some early gay activists were actually directly inspired by the march, and some had taken part. Gay pioneer Jack Nichols said, "We marched with Martin Luther King, seven of us from the Mattachine Society" -- which was an early gay rights organization — "and from that moment on, we had our own dream about a gay rights march of similar proportions." Several years later, a series of marches took place, each one gaining the momentum of the gay freedom struggle. The first one was in 1979, and the second one took place in 1987. The third one was held in 1993. Almost a million people showed up, and people were so energized and excited by what had taken place, they went back to their own communities and started their own political and social organizations, further increasing the visibility of the movement. The day of that march, October 11, was then declared National Coming Out Day, and is still celebrated all over the world. These marches set the groundwork for the historic changes that we see happening today in the United States.
Neki rani homoseksualni aktivisti bili su zapravo direktno inspirisani Maršom, i neki su i učestvovali. Gej pionir Džek Nikols rekao je "Marširali smo sa Martinom Luterom Kingom, nas sedam iz Matačin udruženja" - koje je bilo rana gej organizacija - "i od tog trenutka nadalje, imali smo sopstveni san o maršu za gej prava sličnih razmera." Nekoliko godina kasnije, serija marševa se odigrala, svaki je dobijao zamah na borbi za slobodu homoseksualaca. Prvi je održan 1979. a drugi 1987. Treći je održan 1993. Pojavilo se skoro milion ljudi, i ljudi su bili tako puni energije i uzbuđeni zbog onoga što se događalo, da su po povratku u svoje zajednice započinjali sopstvene političke i društvene organizacije, dalje uvećavajući vidljivost pokreta. Dan marša, 11. oktobar, tada je proglašen za Nacionalni dan izlaska u javnost, i još uvek se slavi širom sveta. Ovi marševi postavili su podlogu za istorijske promene koje vidimo da se događaju danas u Sjedinjenim državama.
And lastly, the "Loving" strategy. The name speaks for itself. In 1967, the Supreme Court ruled in Loving v. Virginia, and invalidated all laws that prohibited interracial marriage. This is considered one of the Supreme Court's landmark civil rights cases. In 1996, President Clinton signed the Defense of Marriage Act, known as DOMA, and that made the federal government only have to recognize marriages between a man and a woman. In United States v. Windsor, a 79-year-old lesbian named Edith Windsor sued the federal government when she was forced to pay estate taxes on her deceased wife's property, something that heterosexual couples don't have to do. And as the case wound its way through the lower courts, the Loving case was repeatedly cited as precedent. When it got to the Supreme Court in 2013, the Supreme Court agreed, and DOMA was thrown out. It was incredible. But the gay marriage movement has been making gains for years now. To date, 17 states have passed laws allowing marriage equality. It's become the de facto battle for gay equality, and it seems like daily, laws prohibiting it are being challenged in the courts, even in places like Texas and Utah, which no one saw coming.
I konačno, strategija "Voljenja". Ime govori samo za sebe. 1976. Vrhovni sud presudio je u slučaju Laving protiv države Virdžinija i prekršio sve zakone koji su zabranjivali međurasne brakove. Ovo se smatra za jedan od orijentira u slučajevima za građanska prava pred Vrhovnim sudom. 1996. predsednik Klinton potpisao je Zakon za odbranu braka, poznat kao DOMA, kojim se federalna vlada obavezala da prizna samo brakove između muškarca i žene. U slučaju Sjedinjene države protiv Vindzora, 79-godišnja lezbijka po imenu Edit Vindzor tužila je federalnu vladu kada je bila primorana da plati porez na imovinu njene pokojne supruge, nešto što heteroseksualni parovi ne moraju da rade. I kako se slučaj odmotavao kroz niže sudove, slučaj Laving je nanovo citiran kao presedan. Kada je stigao do Vrhovnog suda 2013, Vrhovni sud se složio, i DOMA je odbačen. Ovo je bilo neverovatno. Ali pokret za istopolne brakove ostvaruje uspehe godinama. Do danas, 17 država usvojilo je zakone koji dopuštaju istopolne brakove. Ovo je postala de facto bitka za jednakost homoseksualaca, i čini se da svakodnevno, zakoni koji ih brane bivaju osporavani pred sudovima, čak i na mestima kao što su Teksas ili Juta, što niko nije mogao predvideti.
So a lot has changed since that night in 2008 when I felt torn in half. I did go on to make that film. It's a documentary film, and it's called "The New Black," and it looks at how the African-American community is grappling with the gay rights issue in light of the gay marriage movement and this fight over the meaning of civil rights. And I wanted to capture some of this incredible change that was happening, and as luck or politics would have it, another marriage battle started gearing up, this time in Maryland, where African-Americans make up 30 percent of the electorate. So this tension between gay rights and civil rights started to bubble up once again, and I was lucky enough to capture how some people were making the connection between the movements this time. This is a clip of Karess Taylor-Hughes and Samantha Masters, two characters in the film, as they hit the streets of Baltimore and try to convince potential voters.
I tako, mnogo se promenilo od one noći 2008. kada sam se osetila pokidanom na pola. Jesam nastavila pravljenje onog filma. To je dokumentarni film, i zove se "Novi Crni", i on gleda na to kako se afro-američka zajednica rve sa pitanjima prava homoseksualaca u svetlu pokreta za gej brakove i ove borbe za značenje građanskih prava. I želela sam da zabeležim nešto od te neverovatne promene koja se dešava, i kao što su sreća ili politika hteli, još jedna bračna bitka počela se zahuktavati, ovaj put u Merilendu, gde afro-amerikanci čine 30 procenata biračkog tela. I tako, ta tenzija između gej prava i građanskih prava počela je opet da se naduvava, i imala sam sreće da zabeležim kako su neki ljudi pravili vezu između pokreta u tom trenutku. Ovo je snimak Kares Tejlor Hjuz i Samante Masters, dva lika u ovom filmu, kako izlaze na ulice Baltimora i pokušavaju da ubede potencijalne glasače.
(Video) Samantha Masters: That's what's up, man, this is a righteous man over here. Okay, are you registered to vote?
(Video) Samanta Masters: To se dešava, čoveče, to je pravedan čovek tamo. OK, jesi li registrovani glasač? Čovek: Ne.
Man: No. Karess Taylor-Hughes: Okay. How old are you?
K.T. Hjuz: OK, koliko imaš godina?
Man: 21. KTH: 21? You gotta get registered to vote.
Čovek: 21. KTH: Moraš se registrovati.
We got to get you registered to vote.
Moramo te registrovati za glasanje.
Man: I ain't voting on no gay shit.
Čovek: Neću glasati ni za kakva gej sranja.
SM: Okay, why? What's up? Man: I ain't with that.
SM: OK, zašto? O čemu se radi? Čovek: Nisam za to.
SM: That's not cool.
SM: To nije kul.
Man: What made you be gay? SM: So what made you be straight?
Čovek: Zašto si postala gej? SM: Zašto si ti strejt?
So what made you be straight? Man 2: You can't answer that question. (Laughter)
Dakle, zašto si ti strejt? Čovek 2: Na to pitanje ne možeš odgovoriti. (Smeh)
KSM: I used to not have the same rights as you, but I know that because a black man like yourself stood up for a woman like me, I know that I've got the same opportunities. So you, as a black man, have the opportunity to stand up for somebody else. Whether you're gay or not, these are your brothers and sisters out here, and they need you to represent.
KSM: Ja nisam imala ista prava kao ti, ali znam da zato što je crni čovek kao ti stao uz ženu kao ja, znam da imam iste prilike. Tako da ti, kao crni čovek, imaš priliku da ustaneš za nekog drugog. Bio gej ili ne, to su tvoji braća i sestre i trebaju te da ih predstavljaš.
Man 2: Who is you to tell somebody who they can't have sex with, who they can't be with? They ain't got that power. Nobody has that power to say, you can't marry that young lady. Who has that power? Nobody.
Čovek 2: Ko si ti da nekome kažeš sa kim ne mogu imati seks, s kim ne mogu biti? Nemaju oni tu moć. Niko nema tu moć da kaže da se ne možeš venčati sa tom ženom. Ko ima tu moć? Niko.
SM: But you know what? Our state has put the power in your hands, and so what we need you to do is vote for, you gonna vote for 6.
SM: Ali znaš šta? Naša država je tu moć stavila u tvoje ruke, i zato nam je potrebno da glasaš, da glasaš za broj 6.
Man 2: I got you.
Čovek 2: Razumem te.
SM: Vote for 6, okay? Man 2: I got you.
SM: Glasaj za broj 6, OK? Čovek 2: Razumem.
KSM: All right, do y'all need community service hours? You do? All right, you can always volunteer with us to get community service hours. Y'all want to do that? We feed you. We bring you pizza.
KSM: OK, da li vam treba društveno korisni rad? Tebi trebaju? U redu, možete uvek volontirati sa nama da dobijete sate društvenog rada. Svi želite to da uradite? Mi vas hranimo. Mi vam donesemo picu.
(Laughter) (Applause)
(Smeh) (Aplauz)
Yoruba Richen: Thank you. What's amazing to me about that clip that we just captured as we were filming is, it really shows how Karess understands the history of the civil rights movement, but she's not restricted by it. She doesn't just limit it to black people. She sees it as a blueprint for expanding rights to gays and lesbians. Maybe because she's younger, she's like 25, she's able to do this a little bit more easily, but the fact is that Maryland voters did pass that marriage equality amendment, and in fact it was the first time that marriage equality was directly voted on and passed by the voters. African-Americans supported it at a higher level than had ever been recorded. It was a complete turnaround from that night in 2008 when Proposition 8 was passed. It was, and feels, monumental. We in the LGBT community have gone from being a pathologized and reviled and criminalized group to being seen as part of the great human quest for dignity and equality. We've gone from having to hide our sexuality in order to maintain our jobs and our families to literally getting a place at the table with the president and a shout out at his second inauguration. I just want to read what he said at that inauguration: "We the people declare today that the most evident of truths, that all of us are created equal. It is the star that guides us still, just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls and Selma and Stonewall."
Joruba Ričen: Hvala. Ono što mene oduševljava kod ovog snimka koji smo zabeležili praveći film je da stvarno prikazuje kako Kares razume istoriju pokreta za građanska prava, ali nije njome ograničena. Ona ga ne ograničava samo na crne ljude. Ona ga vidi kao osnovu za širenje prava na gejeve i lezbijke. Možda zato što je mlađa, jer ona ima oko 25 godina, pa je u stanju da to malo lakše uradi, ali činjenica je da su glasači u Merilendu izglasali prolaz tog amandmana o jednakosti brakova, i zapravo to je bilo prvi put da je jednakost brakova direktno izglasana od strane birača. Afro-amerikanci podržali su ga na najvišem nivou koji je ikad zabeležen. Ovo je bio potpuni preokret od te noći 2008. godine kada je prošao Predlog 8. Ovo je bilo i osećalo se monumentalnim. Mi u LGBT zajednici prešli smo put od patologizovane i psovane i kriminalizovane grupe do toga da smo viđeni kao deo velike ljudske potrage za dignitetom i jednakošću. Prošli smo put od toga da smo morali sakrivati svoju seksualnost kako bi sačuvali poslove i porodice do toga da smo bukvalno dobili mesto za stolom sa predsednikom i pomen na njegovoj drugoj inauguraciji. Želim samo da pročitam šta je rekao na toj inauguraciji: "Mi narod, objavljujemo danas da je najevidentnija od svih istina, ta da smo svi stvoreni jednaki. To je početak koji nas i dalje vodi, baš kao što je vodio i naše pretke kroz vodopade Seneka i Selmu i Stounvol."
Now we know that everything is not perfect, especially when you look at what's happening with the LGBT rights issue internationally, but it says something about how far we've come when our president puts the gay freedom struggle in the context of the other great freedom struggles of our time: the women's rights movement and the civil rights movement. His statement demonstrates not only the interconnectedness of those movements, but how each one borrowed and was inspired by the other. So just as Martin Luther King learned from and borrowed from Gandhi's tactics of civil disobedience and nonviolence, which became a bedrock of the civil rights movement, the gay rights movement saw what worked in the civil rights movement, and they used some of those same strategies and tactics to make gains at an even quicker pace.
Sad, mi znamo da nije sve savršeno, naročito kada pogledate šta se dešava sa LGBT pravima internacionalno, ali to govori nešto o tome koliko daleko smo stigli kada naš predsednik stavlja borbu za slobodu homoseksualaca u kontekst ostalih velikih borbi za slobodu našeg vremena: pokreta za ženska prava i pokreta za građanska prava. Njegova izjava ne pokazuje samo međupovezanost ovih pokreta, već i kako je svaki pozajmljivao i bio inspirisan drugim. I baš kao što je Martin Luter King učio i pozajmljivao iz Gandijevih taktika građanske neposlušnosti i nenasilja, koji su postali kamen temeljac pokreta za građanska prava, tako su i pokreti za gej prava videli šta je funkcionisalo u pokretima za građanska prava, i koristili su neke od tih strategija i taktika da ostvare rezultate čak i bržim tempom.
Maybe one more other reason for the relative quick progress of the gay rights movement. Whereas a lot of us continue to still live in racially segregated spaces, LGBT folks, we are everywhere. We are in urban communities and rural communities, communities of color, immigrant communities, churches and mosques and synagogues. We are your mothers and brothers and sisters and sons. And when someone that you love or a family member comes out, it may be easier to support their quest for equality. And in fact, the gay rights movement asks us to support justice and equality from a space of love. That may be the biggest, greatest gift that the movement has given us. It calls on us to access that which is most universal and most intimate: a love of our brother and our sister and our neighbor. I just want to end with a quote by one of our greatest freedom fighters who's no longer with us, Nelson Mandela of South Africa. Nelson Mandela led South Africa after the dark and brutal days of Apartheid, and out of the ashes of that legalized racial discrimination, he led South Africa to become the first country in the world to ban discrimination based on sexual orientation within its constitution. Mandela said, "For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others."
Možda postoji još jedan drugi razlog za relativno brz napredak pokreta za gej prava. Iako mnogi od nas nastavljaju da žive u rasno podvojenim prostorima, LGBT aktivista, nas ima svuda. Mi smo u urbanim zajednicama i ruralnim zajednicama, zajednicama obojenih, useljeničkih zajednica, crkava i džamija i sinagogi. Mi smo vaše majke i braća i sestre i sinovi. I kada neko koga volite ili član porodice izađe u javnost, možda je lakše podržati njihovu potragu za jednakošću. I zapravo, pokret za gej prava traži od nas da podržimo pravdu i jednakost iz prostora ljubavi. To bi mogao biti najkrupniji, najveći dar koji nam je pokret dao. On nas poziva da pristupimo onome što je najuniverzalnije i najintimnije: ljubavi prema bratu i sestri i našem susedu. Želim samo da završim sa citatom jednog od naših najvećih boraca za slobodu koji nije više sa nama, Nelsona Mendele iz Južne Afrike. Nelson Mendela je vodio Južnu Afriku nakon mračnih i brutalnih dana aparthejda, i iz pepela te ozakonjene rasne diskriminacije, vodio je Južnu Afriku dok nije postala prva država na svetu koja je zabranila diskriminaciju zasnovanu na seksualnoj orijentaciji u svom ustavu. Mendela je rekao: "Da bi bili slobodni nije samo dovoljno odbaciti nečije lance, već treba i živeti na način koji poštuje i poboljšava slobodu drugih."
So as these movements continue on, and as freedom struggles around the world continue on, let's remember that not only are they interconnected, but they must support and enhance each other for us to be truly victorious.
I dok se ti pokreti nastavljaju, i dok se borbe za slobodu širom sveta nastavljaju, setimo se da one nisu samo povezane, već da one moraju podržati i pojačati jedna drugu da bismo mi bili istinski pobednici.
Thank you.
Hvala.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)