This is Revolution 2.0. No one was a hero. No one was a hero. Because everyone was a hero. Everyone has done something. We all use Wikipedia. If you think of the concept of Wikipedia where everyone is collaborating on content, and at the end of the day you've built the largest encyclopedia in the world. From just an idea that sounded crazy, you have the largest encyclopedia in the world.
Ky eshte revolucioni 2.0 Askush nuk ishte hero. Nuk kishte hero te vetmuar. Sepse te gjithe ishin heronj. Te gjithe bene dicka Ne te gjithe perdorim Wikipedia. Nese shtjellon konceptin e Wikipedias atje ku te gjithe bashkepunojne ne perberje. Dhe ne fund te dites eshte krijuar enciklopedia me e madhe ne bote. Prej nje ideje qe tingellonte cmenduri, tashme ke enciklopedine me te madhe ne bote.
And in the Egyptian revolution, the Revolution 2.0, everyone has contributed something, small or big. They contributed something -- to bring us one of the most inspiring stories in the history of mankind when it comes to revolutions. It was actually really inspiring to see all these Egyptians completely changing. If you look at the scene, Egypt, for 30 years, had been in a downhill -- going into a downhill. Everything was going bad. Everything was going wrong. We only ranked high when it comes to poverty, corruption, lack of freedom of speech, lack of political activism. Those were the achievements of our great regime. Yet, nothing was happening. And it's not because people were happy or people were not frustrated. In fact, people were extremely frustrated. But the reason why everyone was silent is what I call the psychological barrier of fear. Everyone was scared. Not everyone. There were actually a few brave Egyptians that I have to thank for being so brave -- going into protests as a couple of hundred, getting beaten up and arrested. But in fact, the majority were scared. Everyone did not want really to get in trouble.
Po ashtu ne revolucionin Egjiptian, revolucionin 2.0, te gjithe kane dhene kontributin e tyre -- pak ose shume, ata kontribuan dicka -- per te na sjelle nje nga tregimet me frymezuese ne historine njerezore ku flitet per revolucione. Ishte me te vertete frymezuese pamja e te gjithe Egjiptianeve te bashkuar ne brohoritje. Kur analizon Egjiptin per 30 vitet e kaluara, verehet nje tatepjete -- e percjellur nga nje tatepjete tjeter. Gjithcka dukej se po shkonte keq. Gjithcka po shkonte ne drejtim te gabuar. Ne ishim ne vendin e pare vetem atehere kur flitej per varferi, korrupsion, mungese te shprehjes se lire, mungese te levizjeve politike. Keto ishin te arriturat e regjimit tone te famshem. Prape, asgje nuk ndryshonte. Gjerat nuk ndryshonin, jo per shkak se populli ishte i kenaqur ose qe nuk ishin te frustruar. Te them te drejten, njerezit ishin tejet te frustruar. Arsyeja pse te gjithe ishin kaq te qete quhet kufiri psikologjik i frikes. Te gjithe ishin te frikesuar. Jo te gjithe. Ishin ca Egjiptian te guximshem qe une duhet ti falenderoj per trimerine -- duke shkuar ne protesta me qindra, duke u arrestuar dhe perdhunuar. Por ne pergjithesi, shumica ishin te trembur. Akush nuk donte qe te futej ne telashe.
A dictator cannot live without the force. They want to make people live in fear. And that psychological barrier of fear had worked for so many years, and here comes the Internet, technology, BlackBerry, SMS. It's helping all of us to connect. Platforms like YouTube, Twitter, Facebook were helping us a lot because it basically gave us the impression that, "Wow, I'm not alone. There are a lot of people who are frustrated." There are lots of people who are frustrated. There are lots of people who actually share the same dream. There are lots of people who care about their freedom. They probably have the best life in the world. They are living in happiness. They are living in their villas. They are happy. They don't have problems. But they are still feeling the pain of the Egyptian.
Nje diktator nuk mund te jetohej pa fuqi. Ata duan qe ta mbajn popullin ne frike. Kufiri psikologjik i frikes pati funksionuar per vite me radhe, dhe interneti u shfaq, teknologjia, BlackBerry, SMS. Na ndihmon te gjitheve ne, ne mbajtjen e lidhjes mes nesh. Platforma si Youtube, Twitter, Facebook na ndihmuan shume, sepse ne fund te fundit na dhane pershtypjen se "Uau, une nuk jam vetem. Ka shume njerez te tjere qe jane te frustruar." Ka shume njerez te frustruar. Ka shume njerez qe kane te njejten enderr. Ka shume njerez qe merakosen per lirine e tyre. Sigurisht ata kane jeten me te mire ne bote. Ata jetojne ne hare. Ata jetojne ne villat e tyre. Ata jane te gezuar; ata nuk kane probleme. Por ata kane ndjenja per dhimbjen e Egjiptianeve.
A lot of us, we're not really happy when we see a video of an Egyptian man who's eating the trash while others are stealing billions of Egyptian pounds from the wealth of the country. The Internet has played a great role, helping these people to speak up their minds, to collaborate together, to start thinking together. It was an educational campaign.
Shume prej nesh, nuk jane te kenaqur kur shohin nje video te nje Egjiptiani qe han prej plehrave nderkohe qe te tjeret vjedhin biliona paunde Egjiptiane prej pasurise se shtetit. Interneti ka luajtur rol shume te rendesishem, duke i ndihmuar keta njerez per te shprehur mendimin e tyre, per te bashkepunuar, per te menduar se bashku. Ishte nje fushate edukative.
Khaled Saeed was killed in June 2010. I still remember the photo. I still remember every single detail of that photo. The photo was horrible. He was tortured, brutally tortured to death. But then what was the answer of the regime? "He choked on a pile of hash" -- that was their answer: "He's a criminal. He's someone who escaped from all these bad things." But people did not relate to this. People did not believe this. Because of the Internet, the truth prevailed and everyone knew the truth. And everyone started to think that "this guy could be my brother." He was a middle-class guy. His photo was remembered by all of us.
Khaled Saeed ishte vrare ne Qershor te vitit 2010 E kujtoj fotografine Akoma mbaj mend cdo detaj te asaj fotografie. Ishte nje pamje e tmerrshme. Ai ishte i dhunuar, brutalisht i torturuar deri ne vdekje Por cili ishte spjegimi i regjimit? "Ai ishte ngulfatur nga ca bime narkotike" Ky ishte spjegimi. "Ai eshte kriminel. Ai ka shpetuar nga te keqijat e kesaj bote." Por populli nuk ka te beje me te gjithe kete. Populli nuk e besoi kete. Per shkak te internetit, e verteta doli ne shesh dhe te gjithe e moren vesh te verteten. Dhe te gjithe filluan te mendonin "ky njeri mund te ishte vellai im." Ai ishte nga klasa mesatare. Fotografia e tij mbahet mend nga te gjithe ne.
A page was created. An anonymous administrator was basically inviting people to join the page, and there was no plan. "What are we going to do?" "I don't know." In a few days, tens of thousands of people there -- angry Egyptians who were asking the ministry of interior affairs, "Enough. Get those who killed this guy. To just bring them to justice." But of course, they don't listen. It was an amazing story -- how everyone started feeling the ownership. Everyone was an owner in this page. People started contributing ideas. In fact, one of the most ridiculous ideas was, "Hey, let's have a silent stand. Let's get people to go in the street, face the sea, their back to the street, dressed in black, standing up silently for one hour, doing nothing and then just leaving, going back home." For some people, that was like, "Wow, silent stand. And next time it's going to be vibration." People were making fun of the idea. But actually when people went to the street -- the first time it was thousands of people in Alexandria -- it felt like -- it was amazing. It was great because it connected people from the virtual world, bringing them to the real world, sharing the same dream, the same frustration, the same anger, the same desire for freedom. And they were doing this thing. But did the regime learn anything? Not really. They were actually attacking them. They were actually abusing them, despite the fact of how peaceful these guys were -- they were not even protesting. And things had developed until the Tunisian revolution.
Nje faqe ishte krijuar. Nje administrator anonim ftonte njerez per tiu bashkangjitur faqes, pa ndonjefar plani te shtruar. "Cfare do te bejme?" "Nuk e di" Vetem per ca dite, dhjetra mijera njerez Egjiptian te frustruar te cilet po pyesnin ministrine e puneve te brendshme, "Mjaft. Kapni ata te cilet vrane kete njeri dhe sillini para drejtsise". Por natyrisht, ministria nuk degjoi. Ishte nje tregim marramendes- - si te gjithe filluan ta ndjejne veten pronar. Te gjithe ishin pronar te kesaj faqeje. Njerezit filluan te shkembenin idera. Ne fakt, njera prej ideve me qesharake ishte qe te mbanin nje proteste ne heshtje. Le te mbledhim popullin ne rruge, drejtuar kah deti, me shpinen kthyer qytetit, te veshur ne te zeza , duke qendruar ne heshtje per nje ore, duke mos bere asgje dhe me pas duke u larguar, per ne shtepi. Per disa njerez kjo ishte "Uau resistence ne heshtje. Dhe heren tjeter do te jete me agresive." Njerezit po e perqeshnin idene. Por kur njerezit dolen tek sheshi -- heren e pare ishin mijera njerez ne Aleksandri -- ishte nje ndjenje e mrekullueshme. Sepse i bashkoi njerezit nga bota virtuale, duke i sjelle ne boten e vertete, te cilet kidhin te njejten enderr, te njejtin hidherim, te njejtin frustrim, te njejten deshire per liri. Dhe po e benin kete gje. Por a kishte ky regjim kuptuar ndonje gje? Asgje. Regjimi po i sulmonte njerezit ne rruge. Ata po i abuzonin, pavaresisht menyres paqesore qe njerezit po ecnin rruges -- ata nuk ishin as duke protestuar. Gjerat po ndryshonin deri tek revolucioni Tunizian.
This whole page was, again, managed by the people. In fact, the anonymous admin job was to collect ideas, help people to vote on them and actually tell them what they are doing. People were taking shots and photos; people were reporting violations of human rights in Egypt; people were suggesting ideas, they were actually voting on ideas, and then they were executing the ideas; people were creating videos. Everything was done by the people to the people, and that's the power of the Internet. There was no leader. The leader was everyone on that page. The Tunisian experiment, as Amir was saying, inspired all of us, showed us that there is a way. Yes we can. We can do it. We have the same problems; we can just go in the streets.
Kjo faqe ishte e menaxhuar nga populli. Ne fakt, detyra e administratorit ishte te mblidhte mendimet, tu spjegonte atyre qe te votonin dhe se cfare duhej bere. Njerezit po benin foto; njerezit po raportonin shkelje te te drejtave njerezore ne Egjipt; njerezit po shfaqnin mendime, ata ne te vertete po votonin mbi idete, dhe po punonin ne drejtim te tyre, njerezit po krijonin video. E gjitha ishte bere nga populli, per popullin, dhe kjo eshte fuqia e internetit. Nuk kishte udheheqes. Udheheqes ishtin te gjithe ne ate faqe. Eksperimenti Tunizian, ashtu sikunder Amiri po tregonte, na frymezoi te gjitheve, na tregoi se ka rrugedalje. Po ne mundemi. Ne mund ta bejme kete. Ne kemi te njejtat probleme, ne mund te dalim ne rruge.
And when I saw the street on the 25th, I went back and said, "Egypt before the 25th is never going to be Egypt after the 25th. The revolution is happening. This is not the end, this is the beginning of the end." I was detained on the 27th night. Thank God I announced the locations and everything. But they detained me. And I'm not going to talk about my experience, because this is not about me. I was detained for 12 days, blindfolded, handcuffed. And I did not really hear anything. I did not know anything. I was not allowed to speak with anyone. And I went out. The next day I was in Tahrir. Seriously, with the amount of change I had noticed in this square, I thought it was 12 years. I never had in my mind to see this Egyptian, the amazing Egyptian. The fear is no longer fear. It's actually strength -- it's power. People were so empowered. It was amazing how everyone was so empowered and now asking for their rights. Completely opposite. Extremism became tolerance.
Kur pash rruget me daten 25, U ktheva prapa ne kohe dhe mendova, "Egjipti para dates 25 nuk do te jete i njejte me Egjiptin pas dates 25. Revolucioni kishte filluar. Ky nuk eshte fundi, ky ishte fillimi i fundit." Une isha arrestuar ne mbremjen e dates 27. Fale Zotit i kisha treguar piketakimet dhe cdo gje tjeter. Por me arrestuan. Nuk do flas per eksperiencen time, ky fjalim nuk eshte per mua. Une isha arrestuar per 12 dite, symbyllur, duarlidhur. Nuk degjoja asgje. Nuk dija asgje. Nuk isha lejuar te flisja me askend. Pasaj u lirova. Diten tjeter isha ne Tahrir. Sinqerisht, me ndryshimin qe pashe tek sheshi, mendova se kisha kaluar 12 vjet. Kurre nuk e kisha menduar ta shihja kete Egjipt, Egjiptin e mrekullueshem. Frika nuk ishte me frike. Ishte shnderruar ne force -- ishte fuqi. Populli ishte i bashkuar. Ishte e mrekullueshme si te gjithe ishin bashkuar dhe tashme po kerkonin te drejtat e tyre. Krejtesisht e kunderta. Ekstremizmi u be tolerance.
Who would [have] imagined before the 25th, if I tell you that hundreds of thousands of Christians are going to pray and tens of thousands of Muslims are going to protect them, and then hundreds of thousands of Muslims are going to pray and tens of thousands of Christians are going to protect them -- this is amazing. All the stereotypes that the regime was trying to put on us through their so-called propaganda, or mainstream media, are proven wrong. This whole revolution showed us how ugly such a regime was and how great and amazing the Egyptian man, the Egyptian woman, how simple and amazing these people are whenever they have a dream.
Askush nuk do e besonte kete gje para dates 25, po tju tregoja qe mijera Krishtere do luteshin dhe dhjetra mijera Mysliman do i mbronin. dhe mijera Mysliman do luteshin perderisa mijera krishtere do i mbronin -- kjo eshte e mrekullueshme. Te gjithe sterotipat qe regjimi po mundohej te na impononte nepermjet propagandes se tyre, ose televizionit publik u treguan te jene gabim. I tere revolucioni na beri te kuptojme sa i keq ishte regjimi dhe sa te mrekullueshem jane burri Egjiptian, gruaja Egjiptiane, sa te thjeshte dhe te mrekullueshem njerezit jane kur kane nje enderr.
When I saw that, I went back and I wrote on Facebook. And that was a personal belief, regardless of what's going on, regardless of the details. I said that, "We are going to win. We are going to win because we don't understand politics. We're going to win because we don't play their dirty games. We're going to win because we don't have an agenda. We're going to win because the tears that come from our eyes actually come from our hearts. We're going to win because we have dreams. We're going to win because we are willing to stand up for our dreams." And that's actually what happened. We won. And that's not because of anything, but because we believed in our dream. The winning here is not the whole details of what's going to happen in the political scene. The winning is the winning of the dignity of every single Egyptian.
Kur une pashe kete dukuri, shkova shpejt dhe shkrova ne Facebook. Dhe ajo ishte mendim personal, pavarsisht gjendjes, pavarsisht detajeve, shkrova, "Ne do te fitojme. Ne do te fitojme per shkak se nuk e kuptojme politiken. Ne do te fitojme per shkak se nuk i luajme lojrat e ndyra. Ne do te fitojme per shkak se nuk kemi ndonje axhende. Ne do te fitojme per shkak se lotet qe pikojne nga syte tane vijne drejt prej zemres. Ne do te fitojme per shkak se kemi endrra. Ne do te fitojme per shkak se jemi bujare dhe mbrojme endrrat tona." Dhe pikerisht kjo ndodhi. Ne fituam. Nuk eshte fale asgjeje por fale besimit tone ne endrrat tona. Fitorja nuk eshtem tek te gjitha detajet qe do te ndodhin ne skenen politike. Fitorja eshte fitore e dinijitetit tek secili Egjiptian.
Actually, I had this taxi driver telling me, "Listen, I am breathing freedom. I feel that I have dignity that I have lost for so many years." For me that's winning, regardless of all the details.
Nje taksist me tregonte, "Degjo, une po i marre ere lirise. Ndihem sikur kam dinjitetin qe kisha humbur prej shume vitesh." Per mua kjo eshte fitore, perkunder te gjitha detajeve.
My last word to you is a statement I believe in, which Egyptians have proven to be true, that the power of the people is much stronger than the people in power.
Fjalet e fundit nga une jane fjalet ne te cilat besoj, te cilat Egjiptianet provuan te jene te verteta, qe fuqia e popullit eshte shume me e madhe sesa fuqia e njerezve ne pozite.
Thanks a lot.
Shume faleminderit.
(Applause)
(Duartrokitje)