This is Shivdutt Yadav, and he's from Uttar Pradesh, India. Now Shivdutt was visiting the local land registry office in Uttar Pradesh, and he discovered that official records were listing him as dead. His land was no longer registered in his name. His brothers, Chandrabhan and Phoolchand, were also listed as dead.
這是Shivdutt Yadav, 他來自印度的烏塔普拉德許州。 當Shivdutt去烏塔普拉德許州的 戶政事務所時, 他發現 官方紀錄記載他已經死亡。 而且他的土地已經 沒有登記在他名下。 他的兄弟,Chandrabhan和Phoolchand, 也被列為死亡。
Family members had bribed officials to interrupt the hereditary transfer of land by having the brothers declared dead, allowing them to inherit their father's share of the ancestral farmland. Because of this, all three brothers and their families had to vacate their home. According to the Yadav family, the local court has been scheduling a case review since 2001, but a judge has never appeared.
家庭成員賄絡官員, 為了阻斷土地的祖傳轉移權, 透過宣告父親兄弟的死亡, 允許他們繼承 分配給他們父親的祖產。 正因為如此,這三個兄弟和他們的家庭 必須從家中撤離。 根據Yadav家人的說法, 自從2001年,當地法院已經安排要 重審此案件, 但是法官都不曾出庭。
There are several instances in Uttar Pradesh of people dying before their case is given a proper review. Shivdutt's father's death and a want for his property led to this corruption. He was laid to rest in the Ganges River, where the dead are cremated along the banks of the river or tied to heavy stones and sunk in the water.
在烏塔普拉德許州, 很多人在去世前, 他們的案子都沒被妥善審閱過。 Shivdutt父親的死亡和兄弟覬覦他的財產 導致這種腐敗。 他最後在恆河安息, 死者在河岸被火葬, 或者被綁上重石沉到河水中。
Photographing these brothers was a disorienting exchange because on paper they don't exist, and a photograph is so often used as an evidence of life. Yet, these men remain dead. This quandary led to the title of the project, which considers in many ways that we are all the living dead and that we in some ways represent ghosts of the past and the future.
拍攝這些兄弟的照片 是種令人感到困惑的交流, 因為在紀錄上他們不存在, 但照片經常被用來當作生命的證據。 然而,這些人還是被視為已死亡。 這種窘境引出了這個企畫案的名稱, 從很多方面想, 我們都是活著的死人, 並且在某些層面,我們代表的是 過去和未來的鬼魂。
So this story is the first of 18 chapters in my new body of work titled "A Living Man Declared Dead and Other Chapters." And for this work, I traveled around the world over a four-year period researching and recording bloodlines and their related stories. I was interested in ideas surrounding fate and whether our fate is determined by blood, chance or circumstance. The subjects I documented ranged from feuding families in Brazil to victims of genocide in Bosnia to the first woman to hijack an airplane and the living dead in India. In each chapter, you can see the external forces of governance, power and territory or religion colliding with the internal forces of psychological and physical inheritance.
這是我共十八章節的新作品 《被宣告死亡的活人和其它章節》中的第一章。 為了這部作品, 我花了四年的時間旅居世界各地, 研究和記錄血脉, 還有它們的相關故事。 我所感興趣的議題包括命運 以及我們的命運是否取決於 血統、運氣或情形。 我紀錄的主題 包含了從巴西的世仇家庭, 到波士尼亞大屠殺受難者, 再到第一位劫機的女性 以及印度的活死人。 在每個章節,你可以看到來自統治力、 權力、領土或者宗教的外在強迫力, 與心理和身理所繼承的內在力量 相互衝突。
Each work that I make is comprised of three segments. On the left are one or more portrait panels in which I systematically order the members of a given bloodline. This is followed by a text panel, it's designed in scroll form, in which I construct the narrative at stake. And then on the right is what I refer to as a footnote panel. It's a space that's more intuitive in which I present fragments of the story, beginnings of other stories, photographic evidence. And it's meant to kind of reflect how we engage with histories or stories on the Internet, in a less linear form. So it's more disordered. And this disorder is in direct contrast to the unalterable order of a bloodline.
我的每個作品 由三部分組成。 最左邊的展示嵌板有一幅或者多幅肖像, 我將同一血統中的成員 做有系統的排列。 中間是設計成卷軸般橫行排列的文字嵌板, 用來展現 正處緊要關頭的故事。 右邊則是我作補充說明的嵌板。 我憑直覺創作, 呈現故事的片段, 其它故事的起源,照片證據。 有點像是反映了 我們如何在網路上汲取歷史和故事時的狀態 是較非線性的形式。 較為雜亂的。 而這種雜序和無法更改的血脉順序 直接形成對比。
In my past projects I've often worked in serial form, documenting things that have the appearance of being comprehensive through a determined title and a determined presentation, but in fact, are fairly abstract. In this project I wanted to work in the opposite direction and find an absolute catalog, something that I couldn't interrupt, curate or edit by choice. This led me to blood. A bloodline is determined and ordered. But the project centers on the collision of order and disorder -- the order of blood butting up against the disorder represented in the often chaotic and violent stories that are the subjects of my chapters.
我過去的作品通常是用順序排列, 紀錄一些 透過明確的標題和清楚的展示 可讓人充分理解的事物。 但事實上,這些是相當抽象的。 我想反向製作這個作品, 找到絕對的編錄順序, 讓我無法選擇如何打斷,策劃或編輯。 於是我找到血脉。 血脉是已決定且有一定順序的。 但是這個策劃的焦點在於 有序和混亂的衝突 -- 血統的有條不紊和 時常混亂且暴力的故事所展現的雜亂互相牴觸, 成了這些章節的主題。
In chapter two, I photograph the descendants of Arthur Ruppin. He was sent in 1907 to Palestine by the Zionist organization to look at areas for Jewish settlement and acquire land for Jewish settlement. He oversaw land acquisition on behalf of the Palestine Land Development Company whose work led to the establishment of a Jewish state. Through my research at the Zionist Archives in Jerusalem, I wanted to look at the early paperwork of the establishment of the Jewish state. And I found these maps which you see here. And these are studies commissioned by the Zionist organization for alternative areas for Jewish settlement. In this, I was interested in the consequences of geography and imagining how the world would be different if Israel were in Uganda, which is what these maps demonstrate. These archives in Jerusalem, they maintain a card index file of the earliest immigrants and applicants for immigration to Palestine, and later Israel, from 1919 to 1965.
在第二章,我拍攝了Arthur Ruppin的子孫。 他在1907年被錫安主義者(擁護猶太教復國)的組織 送往巴勒斯坦 目的是找尋猶太人安身的地方 且獲得土地。 他代表巴勒斯坦土地發展公司 監管收購土地, 而這公司的經營是為了建立一個 猶太人的國家。 當我在耶路撒冷的錫安主義中央檔案館做研究時, 我想要查看猶太人建國的 早期文史資料。 然後我找到這些你現在看到的地圖。 這些所作研究 受擁護錫安主義組織委任, 目的是找尋讓猶太人安頓的替代地區。 在這過程中,我對地理的結果 很感興趣, 我想像如果以色列是在烏干達, 就像是這些地圖所展示這般, 這個世界將會有多不一樣。 在耶路撒冷的這些檔案中心, 他們用卡片索引編排檔案, 記錄這些最早移民和移民申請者 到巴勒斯坦,再到以色列的人們, 從1919到1965年間。
Chapter three: Joseph Nyamwanda Jura Ondijo treated patients outside of Kisumu, Kenya for AIDS, tuberculosis, infertility, mental illness, evil spirits. He's most often paid for his services in cash, cows or goats. But sometimes when his female patients can't afford his services, their families give the women to Jura in exchange for medical treatment. As a result of these transactions, Jura has nine wives, 32 children and 63 grandchildren. In his bloodline you see the children and grandchildren here.
第三章: Joseph Nyamwanda Jura Ondijo 在肯亞的基蘇木市外郊行醫, 治療愛滋病,結核病,不孕症, 精神疾病,邪靈附身。 通常病人付現金,給牛牲或羊隻, 作為看診費用。 但有時候,當他的女性患者 無法負擔看診費用時, 她們的家人會將這位女性送給Jura 以交換取得醫學治療。 這些交易的結果是, Jura有9位妻子, 32位小孩 還有63位孫子。 你可以在他的血脉中看到他的小孩和孫子。
Two of his wives were brought to him suffering from infertility and he cured them, three for evil spirits, one for an asthmatic condition and severe chest pain and two wives Ondijo claims he took for love, paying their families a total of 16 cows. One wife deserted him and another passed away during treatment for evil spirits. Polygamy is widely practiced in Kenya. It's common among a privileged class capable of paying numerous dowries and keeping multiple homes. Instances of prominent social and political figures in polygamous relationships has led to the perception of polygamy as a symbol of wealth, status and power.
他的兩位妻子當初是因為有不孕症 被送給他治療, 然後他治癒了她們, 三個是因為被邪靈附體, 一個是因為氣喘和嚴重的胸痛, 還有兩個是Ondijo因為愛而娶來的, 付給她們的家人總共16頭牛。 一個拋棄他 還有一個在驅趕邪靈的療程中過世。 一夫多妻制在肯亞很常見。 這在有特權的階級中很普遍, 他們可給予豐厚嫁妝 還有同時養活很多家庭。 實施一夫多妻制的很多是 著名的社會或政治人物, 導致一夫多妻制被視為 財富,地位和權力的象徵。
You may notice in several of the chapters that I photographed there are empty portraits. These empty portraits represent individuals, living individuals, who couldn't be present. And the reasons for their absence are given in my text panel. They include dengue fever, imprisonment, army service, women not allowed to be photographed for religious and cultural reasons. And in this particular chapter, it's children whose mothers wouldn't allow them to travel to the photographic shoot for fear that their fathers would kidnap them during it.
你可能注意到在很多我列出照片的章節裡, 有些是沒有人的照片。 這些沒有人的照片代表的是不同的個體, 還在世但不能現身的人們。 他們缺席的原因皆記載在文字嵌板上, 其中包含罹患登革熱、 被監禁,服兵役, 因為宗教或者文化因素 而不允許被拍照的女人們。 而在這特別的章節裡, 空白的照片是那些小孩們 因為他們的母親不允許孩子前往拍照地點, 怕孩子的父親會在中途綁架他們。
Twenty-four European rabbits were brought to Australia in 1859 by a British settler for sporting purposes, for hunting. And within a hundred years, that population of 24 had exploded to half a billion. The European rabbit has no natural predators in Australia, and it competes with native wildlife and damages native plants and degrades the land. Since the 1950s, Australia has been introducing lethal diseases into the wild rabbit population to control growth. These rabbits were bred at a government facility, Biosecurity Queensland, where they bred three bloodlines of rabbits and have infected them with a lethal disease and are monitoring their progress to see if it will effectively kill them. So they're testing its virulence. During the course of this trial, all of the rabbits died, except for a few, which were euthanized.
第六章: 在1859時,一位英國的拓荒者 帶了24隻歐洲的兔子 去澳洲, 為的是運動用途和打獵。 在一百年之內, 兔子的數量從24隻爆增到5億。 在澳洲,歐洲來的兔子沒有天敵, 兔子和當地野生動物競爭, 破壞當地的植物 和降低土地品質。 自從1950年起, 澳洲人開始將致命的疾病 傳入野生兔子族群中 目的是控制其成長。 政府機關 昆士蘭州生物安全疫檢部門 培育這些兔子。 他們養育了三種血統的兔子, 而且讓牠們感染致命的疾病, 監控牠們的成長, 以驗證此疾病可否有效地殺害牠們。 他們在測試它的毒性。 在測試的過程中,全部的兔子都死了, 當中只有一些兔子被安樂死。
Haigh's Chocolate, in collaboration with the Foundation for Rabbit-Free Australia, stopped all production of the Easter Bunny in chocolate and has replaced it with the Easter Bilby. Now this was done to counter the annual celebration of rabbits and presumably make the public more comfortable with the killing of rabbits and promote an animal that's native to Australia, and actually an animal that is threatened by the European rabbit.
黑氏巧克力(澳洲當地知名巧克力品牌) 和澳洲的 擺脫兔子機構(Rabbit-Free Australia)合作, 停止生產所有的復活節兔子巧克力, 取而代之的是復活節袋狸。 這是為了對抗 每年用兔子慶祝的模式, 還有預設性地讓大眾能平心接受 殺害兔子這件事, 且宣傳澳洲的本地原生動物, 事實上這動物因為歐洲兔子 而遭受威脅。
In chapter seven, I focus on the effects of a genocidal act on one bloodline. So over a two-day period, six individuals from this bloodline were killed in the Srebrenica massacre. This is the only work in which I visually represent the dead. But I only represent those that were killed in the Srebrenica massacre, which is recorded as the largest mass murder in Europe since the Second World War. And during this massacre, 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were systematically executed.
在第七章,我著重於 集體屠殺行為對於 一個血統的影響。 在兩天內, 這血統中的六個人 在斯雷布雷尼察大屠殺中遭受殺害。 這是唯一一個作品中, 我在視覺上呈現了過世的人。 但我只呈現這些 在斯雷布雷尼察大屠殺中遭受殺害的人, 這被記載為自從第二次世界大戰以來, 歐洲規模最大的大型謀殺。 在這次大屠殺中, 8000個波士尼亞穆斯林男人和男孩 被有系統化地處死。
So when you look at a detail of this work, you can see, the man on the upper-left is the father of the woman sitting next to him. Her name is Zumra. She is followed by her four children, all of whom were killed in the Srebrenica massacre. Following those four children is Zumra's younger sister who is then followed by her children who were killed as well. During the time I was in Bosnia, the mortal remains of Zumra's eldest son were exhumed from a mass grave. And I was therefore able to photograph the fully assembled remains. However, the other individuals are represented by these blue slides, which show tooth and bone samples that were matched to DNA evidence collected from family members to prove they were the identities of those individuals. They've all been given a proper burial, so what remains are these blue slides at the International Commission for Missing Persons.
所以當你仔細看這個作品時, 你會發現,左上角的男子 是坐在他旁邊的女子的父親。 這名女子叫做Zumra。 緊接在旁的是她四個小孩, 他們都在斯雷布雷尼察大屠殺中遇害。 在四個孩子之後的是Zumra的妹妹, 接著在她之後的也是她在大屠殺中 被殺害的孩子。 當我在波士尼亞的時候, Zumra最年長的兒子的遺體 是從巨大墳墓中挖掘出來的。 因此我能夠拍攝到 完整的遺體。 至於其它用 藍色為底的呈現的照片, 展現了在經過和家族成員 DNA比對符合的牙齒和骨頭樣本, 以證明這些樣本是 他們身份的識別物。 這些人都被妥善地埋葬, 所以剩下的都是這些在 “尋找失蹤者國際委員會”中的以藍色為背景的照片。
These are personal effects dug up from a mass grave that are awaiting identification from family members and graffiti at the Potochari battery factory, which was where the Dutch U.N. soldiers were staying, and also the Serbian soldiers later during the times of the executions. This is video footage used at the Milosevic trial, which from top to bottom shows a Serbian scorpion unit being blessed by an Orthodox priest before rounding up the boys and men and killing them.
這些都是在巨大墳場中 挖掘出來的個人財物 等待家庭成員來辨識 接著這是位於波托卡里的電池工廠的塗鴉, 這曾是聯合國德軍的所在地, 也是之後在處死期間, 塞爾維亞人的所在地。 這是前南斯拉夫總統米洛索維奇受審判中所使用的影片, 從上到下 展示了一個塞爾維亞蠍子軍事組織 在集合男孩和男人且殺害他們之前 接受一位東正教神父的 賜福。
Chapter 15 is more of a performance piece. I solicited China's State Council Information Office in 2009 to select a multi-generational bloodline to represent China for this project. They chose a large family from Beijing for its size, and they declined to give me any further reasoning for their choice. This is one of the rare situations where I have no empty portraits. Everyone showed up. You can also see the evolution of the one-child-only policy as it travels through the bloodline.
第15章比較像是一個表演作品。 我在2009年時請求中國國務院新聞辦公室 挑選一個多代同堂的血統 用來在此企畫案中代表中國。 他們依照人數選了來自北京的一個大家庭, 而且他們拒絕給我 他們為何如此挑選的理由。 這章中很難得的情況是 我沒有一張空白的肖像。 每個人都出現了。 你也可以透過這個血脉的足跡 看到中國獨生子女政策的演化。
Previously known as the Department of Foreign Propaganda, the State Council Information Office is responsible for all of China's external publicity operations. It controls all foreign media and image production outside of China from foreign media working within China. It also monitors the Internet and instructs local media on how to handle any potentially controversial issues, including Tibet, ethnic minorities, Human Rights, religion, democracy movements and terrorism. For the footnote panel in this work, this office instructed me to photograph their central television tower in Beijing. And I also photographed the gift bag they gave me when I left.
前身是中共中央對外宣傳辦公室, 現為中國國務院新聞辦公室 負責中國所有對外的宣傳操作。 在外國媒體與中國合作時, 此部門控制了所有 外國媒體和影像產品。 同時它也監控網路, 指導當地媒體 如何處理可能會引起爭議的話題, 包括西藏,少數民族, 人權,宗教, 民主運動和恐怖主義。 在這個作品的補充說明嵌版上, 國務院辦公室告訴我 要在他們的北京中央電視塔進行拍照。 當我要離開時,我也拍下他們給我的 禮物袋。
These are the descendants of Hans Frank who was Hitler's personal legal advisor and governor general of occupied Poland. Now this bloodline includes numerous empty portraits, highlighting a complex relationship to one's family history. The reasons for these absences include people who declined participation. There's also parents who participated who wouldn't let their children participate because they thought they were too young to decide for themselves. Another section of the family presented their clothing, as opposed to their physical presence, because they didn't want to be identified with the past that I was highlighting. And finally, another individual sat for me from behind and later rescinded his participation, so I had to pixelate him out so he's unrecognizable.
第十一章: 這些是Hans Frank的後代, 他是Hitler(希特勒)的個人法律顧問, 也是納粹佔據波蘭後的地方總督。 如今在這個血脉中已經缺失了很多人的肖像, 突顯出一個家族歷史當中的 複雜關係。 這些人缺席的原因 包括拒絕參與的人們, 也有父母參與 但拒絕讓他們孩子加入的情況, 因為他們認為孩子還太年輕,無法自己做決定。 還有一部分的家族成員 拒絕本人現身,改用他們的衣服呈現, 因為他們不想跟 我提到的過去畫上等號。 最後,還有個人 背對我拍照, 之後他選擇退出, 所以我得像素化這張照片,讓他不被辨識。
In the footnote panel that accompanies this work I photographed an official Adolph Hitler postage stamp and an imitation of that stamp produced by British Intelligence with Hans Frank's image on it. It was released in Poland to create friction between Frank and Hitler, so that Hitler would imagine Frank was trying to usurp his power.
在這個作品的補充說明嵌板上, 我拍攝了一個Adolph Hitler的官方郵戳章, 還有一個英國情報組織 仿製的印章, 上面刻有Hans Frank的肖像。 這在波蘭被流傳 目的是製造Frank和Hitler之間的不和, 所以Hitler會想像 Frank正試著篡奪他的權力。
Again, talking about fate, I was interested in the stories and fate of particular works of art. These paintings were taken by Hans Frank during the time of the Third Reich. And I'm interested in the impact of their absence and presence through time. They are Leonardo da Vinci's "Lady With an Ermine," Rembrandt's "Landscape With Good Samaritan" and Raphael's "Portrait of a Youth," which has never been found.
談論到命運, 我對特定藝術作品的 故事和命運感興趣。 這些畫作在第三帝國時期 被Hans Frank奪走。 我很好奇它們消失和出現會有什麼影響。 這些畫分別是Leonardo Da Vinci達芬奇的《抱銀貂的女子》, Rembrandt倫勃朗的《撒馬利亞人的風景》, 還有已經遺失的 Raphael拉斐爾的《年輕人畫像》。
Chapter 12 highlights people being born into a battle that is not of their making, but becomes their own. So this is the Ferraz family and the Novaes family. And they are in an active blood feud. This feud has been going on since 1991 in Northeast Brazil in Pernambuco, and it involved the deaths of 20 members of the families and 40 others associated with the feud, including hired hit men, innocent bystanders and friends. Tensions between these two families date back to 1913 when there was a dispute over local political power. But it got violent in the last two decades and includes decapitation and the death of two mayors. Installed into a protective wall surrounding the suburban home of Louis Novaes, who's the head of the Novaes family, are these turret holes, which were used for shooting and looking.
第12章談論的是 出身在戰爭中的人們,戰爭本與他們無關 但戰爭卻影響著他們的生活。 這是Ferraz家族, 這是Novaes家族。 這兩個家族現在還有血債血償的世仇。 此世仇起源於1991年, 發生在巴西東北方的伯南布哥州, 涉及的死亡人數 包括了兩個家族中的20個成員, 還有其他40位相關人士, 包含雇用的殺手,無辜的旁觀者 還有朋友們。 這兩個家族間的緊張關係可追溯到1913年, 他們在當地的政治權力上產生了爭執。 但情勢在過去20年間愈演愈烈, 還牽涉到斬首 和兩位市長的死亡。 Louis Novaes是 Novaes家族的家族長,他在郊區的房子 周圍圍著保護牆, 牆上設置這些砲塔的射擊孔 用來射擊和觀察。
Brazil's northeast state of Pernambuco is one of the nation's most violent regions. It's rooted in a principle of retributive justice, or an eye for an eye, so retaliatory killings have led to several deaths in the area. This story, like many of the stories in my chapters, reads almost as an archetypal episode, like something out of Shakespeare, that's happening now and will happen again in the future. I'm interested in these ideas of repetition. So after I returned home, I received word that one member of the family had been shot 30 times in the face.
巴西東北方的伯南布哥州 是國家中最暴力的區域之一。 他們奉行報復性正義的原則, 以眼還眼, 因此報復型態的殺害 已經導致這地區多人死亡。 這個故事就像我作品中很多故事一樣, 看起來幾乎就是原型的連續劇, 像是莎士比亞作品的情節, 現在正在上演,而且未來也會再發生。 我對這些一再重覆的歷史感興趣。 當我回到家後, 我得到一個消息, 其中一個家族成員臉上被射擊30槍。
Chapter 17 is an exploration of the absence of a bloodline and the absence of a history. Children at this Ukrainian orphanage are between the ages of six and 16. This piece is ordered by age because it can't be ordered by blood. In a 12-month period when I was at the orphanage, only one child had been adopted. Children have to leave the orphanage at age 16, despite the fact that there's often nowhere for them to go. It's commonly reported in Ukraine that children, when leaving the orphanage are targeted for human trafficking, child pornography and prostitution. Many have to turn to criminal activity for their survival, and high rates of suicide are recorded.
第17章 在探索一個消失的血統, 和一段消失的歷史。 烏克蘭孤兒院的小孩們, 年紀介於6歲和16歲間。 這個作品根据年紀排序, 因為沒有辦法用血緣排序。 我待在孤兒院的12個月中, 只有一個小孩被領養。 小孩16歲時就得離開孤兒院, 儘管事實是他們通常沒有其它地方可以投靠。 在烏克蘭,普遍記載的是 這些小孩離開孤兒院後 成為人口販賣, 兒童色情行業和娼妓的目標。 很多人為了生存必須從事犯罪活動, 自殺率很高。
This is a boys' bedroom. There's an insufficient supply of beds at the orphanage and not enough warm clothing. Children bathe infrequently because the hot water isn't turned on until October. This is a girls' bedroom. And the director listed the orphanage's most urgent needs as an industrial size washing machine and dryer, four vacuum cleaners, two computers, a video projector, a copy machine, winter shoes and a dentist's drill. This photograph, which I took at the orphanage of one of the classrooms, shows a sign which I had translated when I got home. And it reads: "Those who do not know their past are not worthy of their future."
這是一間男孩的臥房。 孤兒院的床位不足, 也不能提供足夠保暖的衣物。 因為熱水到10月才開始供應, 小孩不能定期洗澡。 這是一間女孩的臥房。 孤兒院主管列出最急需的物資是 一台工業用大小的洗衣機和烘乾機, 四台吸塵器,兩台電腦, 一台投影機,一台影印機, 冬天的鞋子和牙醫鐵鑽。 這張照片是我在孤兒院的一間教室拍的, 我回家後翻譯了照片中的標語。 意思是:「不知道自己過去的人 未來沒有意義。」
There are many more chapters in this project. This is just an abridged rendering of over a thousand images. And this mass pile of images and stories forms an archive. And within this accumulation of images and texts, I'm struggling to find patterns and imagine that the narratives that surround the lives we lead are just as coded as blood itself. But archives exist because there's something that can't necessarily be articulated. Something is said in the gaps between all the information that's collected. And there's this relentless persistence of birth and death and an unending collection of stories in between. It's almost machine-like the way people are born and people die, and the stories keep coming and coming. And in this, I'm considering, is this actual accumulation leading to some sort of evolution, or are we on repeat over and over again?
在我這個作品中還有很多的章節。 這只是超過1000張照片 刪減過後的呈現。 這一大疊的照片和故事 構成一個資料庫。 在這堆累積的照片和文字中, 我努力想在這些圖像中找出一個模式, 並想像著我們的生活周遭的故事 如同血脉一樣被編碼了。 但資料庫存在的意義 是因為有些事情是不需要被講出的。 有些事情在蒐集資訊的縫隙中 被顯示出來。 正因為有出生和死亡 這種不停歇的持久性, 當中存在著無止境的故事。 這近乎於機械化的 有人生,有人死 的循環形式 使故事源源不斷。 在這當中,我思考的是 是否這種實際的累積 導向某種演化? 又或者我們只是 一再地重覆歷史?
Thank you.
謝謝。
(Applause)
(掌聲)