Today I want to talk to you about ethnic conflict and civil war. These are not normally the most cheerful of topics, nor do they generally generate the kind of good news that this conference is about. Yet, not only is there at least some good news to be told about fewer such conflicts now than two decades ago, but what is perhaps more important is that we also have come to a much better understanding of what can be done to further reduce the number of ethnic conflicts and civil wars and the suffering that they inflict. Three things stand out: leadership, diplomacy and institutional design. What I will focus on in my talk is why they matter, how they matter, and what we can all do to make sure that they continue to matter in the right ways, that is, how all of us can contribute to developing and honing the skills of local and global leaders to make peace and to make it last. But let's start at the beginning.
今天我想同你们谈谈 种族冲突 与内战 它们大多不是让人开心的话题 也很少带来 令人高兴的好消息 这就是今天的议题 尽管如此,我们至少还有一些好消息 和20年前相比 这类冲突已经日趋减少 但也许更重要的是 我们已经开始 更好的理解了可以做些什么 来进一步减少 种族冲突和内战 以及伴随而来的痛苦。 主要有三点: 领导力,外交手腕 和制度设计。 今天的演讲,我会重点谈谈 这三点为什么重要,如何重要 已经我们可以做些什么 来确保这三个重要因素 继续发挥真面影响力 也就是谈谈,我们每一个人都可以怎样贡献 来培育和打磨 本地与世界领导人 和解并保持长治久安 的能力和技巧。 首先,让我们从头开始
Civil wars have made news headlines for many decades now, and ethnic conflicts in particular have been a near constant presence as a major international security threat. For nearly two decades now, the news has been bad and the images have been haunting. In Georgia, after years of stalemate, we saw a full-scale resurgence of violence in August, 2008. This quickly escalated into a five-day war between Russia and Georgia, leaving Georgia ever more divided. In Kenya, contested presidential elections in 2007 -- we just heard about them -- quickly led to high levels of inter-ethnic violence and the killing and displacement of thousands of people. In Sri Lanka, a decades-long civil war between the Tamil minority and the Sinhala majority led to a bloody climax in 2009, after perhaps as many as 100,000 people had been killed since 1983. In Kyrgyzstan, just over the last few weeks, unprecedented levels of violence occurred between ethnic Kyrgyz and ethnic Uzbeks. Hundreds have been killed, and more than 100,000 displaced, including many ethnic Uzbeks who fled to neighboring Uzbekistan. In the Middle East, conflict between Israelis and Palestinians continues unabated, and it becomes ever more difficult to see how, just how a possible, sustainable solution can be achieved. Darfur may have slipped from the news headlines, but the killing and displacement there continues as well, and the sheer human misery that it creates is very hard to fathom. And in Iraq, finally, violence is on the rise again, and the country has yet to form a government four months after its last parliamentary elections.
几十年里来 内战一直占据新闻头条的位置 尤其是种族冲突, 近期不断地作为 危害世界安全的主要威胁出现。 过去20年来, 负面新闻不断 境况是令人困扰的。 在格鲁吉亚,经过多年的对峙之后, 在2008年8月 再度爆发全面的暴力冲突 而且很快恶化为俄罗斯和格鲁吉亚之间的 五日战争 这令格鲁吉亚更加分崩离析 在肯尼亚,2007年有争议的总统选举 我们最近才听到这件事 立刻转变为严重的 种族间的暴力冲突 成千上万的人 遭到杀害,流离失所 在斯里兰卡 持续了十年的 泰米尔少数民族与主要民族僧伽罗之间的 内战 在2009年到达了血腥的顶点 自1983年以来 已近有将近 十万人死于内战 在吉尔吉斯斯坦,仅几个星期的功夫, 史无前例的暴力冲突发生 于吉尔吉斯族 和乌兹别克族之间。 成百上千人死去 十万余人流离失所, 其中包括诸多逃亡邻国乌兹别克斯坦的 乌孜别克族人 在中东地区 以色列和巴勒斯坦间的冲突 持续不断 越来越难让人预见 怎么达成 一个两方接受,持续可行的 和平解决方案。 达尔富尔可能已经从新闻头条中淡出了, 但那里的杀戮和流离失所 依然继续着 而且这带给当地人的苦难 远超你我的想象 最后,看看伊拉克, 暴力又重新抬头 伊拉克四个月前 进行的国会选举 直到目前仍未能形成执政政府。
But hang on, this talk is to be about the good news. So are these now the images of the past? Well, notwithstanding the gloomy pictures from the Middle East, Darfur, Iraq, elsewhere, there is a longer-term trend that does represent some good news. Over the past two decades, since the end of the Cold War, there has been an overall decline in the number of civil wars. Since the high in the early 1990s, with about 50 such civil wars ongoing, we now have 30 percent fewer such conflicts today. The number of people killed in civil wars also is much lower today than it was a decade ago or two. But this trend is less unambiguous. The highest level of deaths on the battlefield was recorded between 1998 and 2001, with about 80,000 soldiers, policemen and rebels killed every year. The lowest number of combatant casualties occurred in 2003, with just 20,000 killed. Despite the up and down since then, the overall trend -- and this is the important bit -- clearly points downward for the past two decades.
但等等,这个演讲应该带来好消息的 所以说,以上提到的情形已经过去了吗? 嗯,虽然悲惨的现状 存在于中东,达尔富尔 伊拉克及其他地区 从长期来看 我们的确有好消息 自冷战后的20年来 战争的次数 总体来说是在减少的 在九十年代早期最高峰时 大约有50场的内战 现在,冲突已经减少 百分之三十 如今在内战中惨遭杀害的人 也远低于 十年前或二十年前的数字 但是,这个趋势也不完全清晰 战场上最多的死亡人数 记录在1998和2001年之间, 大约每年有八万左右的士兵,警察和反抗者 被杀害 战争中死亡人人数的最低数量 出现在2003年 大约两万人遇害 尽管后来有数字上的起伏,上上下下, 总体的趋势 也是最重要的关键 在过去20年 下降很明显
The news about civilian casualties is also less bad than it used to be. From over 12,000 civilians deliberately killed in civil wars in 1997 and 1998, a decade later, this figure stands at 4,000. This is a decrease by two-thirds. This decline would be even more obvious if we factored in the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. But then 800,000 civilians were slaughtered in a matter of just a few months. This certainly is an accomplishment that must never be surpassed. What is also important is to note that these figures only tell part of the story. They exclude people that died as a consequence of civil war, from hunger or disease, for example. And they also do not properly account for civilian suffering more generally. Torture, rape and ethnic cleansing have become highly effective, if often non-lethal, weapons in civil war. To put it differently, for the civilians that suffer the consequences of ethnic conflict and civil war, there is no good war and there is no bad peace. Thus, even though every civilian killed, maimed, raped, or tortured is one too many, the fact that the number of civilian casualties is clearly lower today than it was a decade ago, is good news.
有关平民遇害的新闻报道 与以前相比相对减少 在1997与1998年间 超过一万两千平民 在内战中遭到屠杀 十年之后 这个数目仅为4000 数字减少了三分之二 如果我们算上卢旺达1994年的种族清洗 减少趋势就更明显了 在1994 在短短几个月内 就有八十万平民遭到屠杀 这肯定是个 无法超越的进步。 重要的是要知道 这些数字仅告诉我们事实的冰山一角 这些数字没有包括 由于内战而死的人 例如:死于饥饿和疾病的人 这些数字也无法真实地反映 遭受各种苦难的平民百姓 折磨,强奸和种族清洗 已经成为内战中极为有效 令人生不如死的非致命武器 换句话说 对于由于种族冲突和内战而遭受伤害 平民百姓来说 没有好战争, 也没有坏和平。 任何一位平民遭到杀害、致残,抢劫,或折磨 都不能轻视 然而平民死亡的数字 比起十年前 已无疑减少 这个事实 的确是好消息
So, we have fewer conflicts today in which fewer people get killed. And the big question, of course, is why? In some cases, there is a military victory of one side. This is a solution of sorts, but rarely is it one that comes without human costs or humanitarian consequences. The defeat of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka is perhaps the most recent example of this, but we have seen similar so-called military solutions in the Balkans, in the South Caucasus and across most of Africa. At times, they are complimented by negotiated settlements, or at least cease-fire agreements, and peacekeepers are deployed. But hardly ever do they represent a resounding success -- Bosnia and Herzegovina perhaps more so than Georgia. But for many parts of Africa, a colleague of mine once put it this way, "The cease-fire on Tuesday night was reached just in time for the genocide to start on Wednesday morning."
今日冲突数量的减少 遭到杀害的人数下降 我们当然要问这样一个核心问题: 为什么减少? 在某些案例之中 是一方获得了军事胜利 这是一种解决方法 但是这种解决方法 很少是在没有人员伤亡 或是没有人道代价之下达成的 斯里兰卡的塔米尔之虎的战败 我想是最近的一个血腥例子 但是我们也在巴尔干半岛、南高加索 以及非洲的大部分地区 见过类似的 所谓的血腥 在其他情况下 冲突者因为谈判解决而接受赞扬 或是至少达成停火协议 接受和平部队派驻 但这些情况并不表示 成功获得的和平 波斯利亚和黑赛格威那 与乔治亚相比,更接近这种状况 但对于非洲的多数区域 我的同事曾经如此形容: “星期二晚上的停火协议 及时阻止了 星期三早上开始的种族屠杀”
But let's look at the good news again. If there's no solution on the battlefield, three factors can account for the prevention of ethnic conflict and civil war, or for sustainable peace afterwards: leadership, diplomacy and institutional design. Take the example of Northern Ireland. Despite centuries of animosity, decades of violence and thousands of people killed, 1998 saw the conclusion of an historic agreement. Its initial version was skillfully mediated by Senator George Mitchell. Crucially, for the long-term success of the peace process in Northern Ireland, he imposed very clear conditions for the participation and negotiations. Central among them, a commitment to exclusively peaceful means. Subsequent revisions of the agreement were facilitated by the British and Irish governments, who never wavered in their determination to bring peace and stability to Northern Ireland.
我们再回头看看好消息 如果战场上无法获得解决方案 有三个因素 可以阻止种族冲突与内战 获取得日后足以令人接受的和平 领导能力、外交手腕 以及制度设计 以北爱尔兰为例 即使有着几个世纪的仇恨 数十年的暴力冲突 数千人遭受杀害 仍与1998年达成了 历史性的协议 乔治.米切尔参议员十分有技巧性的斡旋了 双方最初的协议版本 让北爱尔兰的和平进程 能够长久维持的关键 是他为参与和谈的双方 加上了十分明确的条件 在这些条件之中 最重要的是只能使用 和平手段的承诺 随后的修订协议 因为英国与爱尔兰 没有动摇的和平决心 迅速带来了北爱尔兰的和平与稳定
The core institutions that were put in place in 1998 and their modifications in 2006 and 2008 were highly innovative and allowed all conflict parties to see their core concerns and demands addressed. The agreement combines a power-sharing arrangement in Northern Ireland with cross-border institutions that link Belfast and Dublin and thus recognizes the so-called Irish dimension of the conflict. And significantly, there's also a clear focus on both the rights of individuals and the rights of communities. The provisions in the agreement may be complex, but so is the underlying conflict. Perhaps most importantly, local leaders repeatedly rose to the challenge of compromise, not always fast and not always enthusiastically, but rise in the end they did. Who ever could have imagined Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness jointly governing Northern Ireland as First and Deputy First Minister?
在1998年起草的 核心宪法 以及2006与2008年 对宪法的修订 都具有十足创新的精神 并让所有互相冲突的党派 见到他们所关注的核心问题、需求获得解决 这份协议结合了北爱尔兰 权利分享的安排 与超越国境的宪法 连接了贝尔法特与都柏林 以此承认了 所谓的爱尔兰地区的冲突 显而易见 这份宪法同时明确地保障了 个人的权利 与当地社群的权利 也许这份协议的条款非常复杂 但是在它背后冲突也是同样复杂 最重要的是 当地领袖不断地回应对于妥协让步的反对意见 不见得每次都反映迅速 也不见得每次都充满热情 但是最终证明他们缔造了和平 又有谁想象得到 易安·佩斯里与马丁·麦吉尼斯 以首相和副首相的身份 携手共同领导北爱尔兰政府
But then, is Northern Ireland a unique example, or does this kind of explanation only hold more generally in democratic and developed countries? By no means. The ending of Liberia's long-lasting civil war in 2003 illustrates the importance of leadership, diplomacy and institutional design as much as the successful prevention of a full-scale civil war in Macedonia in 2001, or the successful ending of the conflict in Aceh in Indonesia in 2005. In all three cases, local leaders were willing and able to make peace, the international community stood ready to help them negotiate and implement an agreement, and the institutions have lived up to the promise that they held on the day they were agreed.
然而,北爱尔兰究竟是个特例? 还是这种解释 一般只能套用在 民主与已发展国家上? 绝非如此 2003年所结束的 利比亚漫长的内战 描绘了 领导力、外交手腕 以及宪法设计的重要性 这三个因素也成功阻止了 2001年马其顿 即将爆发的全面内战 以及成功结束了 2005年发生在印尼亚齐地区的冲突 在这三个案例之中 当地领袖都愿意,也都有能力 缔造和平 国际社会也准备好 协助他们谈判与制定协议 宪法制度则实践了 自点头同意那天开始 各党派许诺下的承诺
Focusing on leadership, diplomacy and institutional design also helps explain failures to achieve peace, or to make it last. The hopes that were vested in the Oslo Accords did not lead to an end of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. Not all the issues that needed to be resolved were actually covered in the agreements. Rather, local leaders committed to revisiting them later on. Yet instead of grasping this opportunity, local and international leaders soon disengaged and became distracted by the second Intifada, the events of 9/11 and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
注重领导力、外交手腕 与制度设计 也选择了无法得到和平或是 和平无法长久维持的原因 人们对于奥斯陆协议所赋予的希望 并没有终结 以色列人于巴勒斯坦人的冲突 双方需要解决的问题 并没有全部达成协议 结果,当地领袖承诺 稍后重新协议 他们并没有抓住和平的机会 本地领袖与国际领袖 不久之后就分道扬镳 并且因为随后的 第二次巴勒斯坦起义、911事件 阿富汗与伊拉克的战争而心烦意乱
The comprehensive peace agreement for Sudan signed in 2005 turned out to be less comprehensive than envisaged, and its provisions may yet bear the seeds of a full-scale return to war between north and south. Changes and shortcomings in leadership, more off than on international diplomacy and institutional failures account for this in almost equal measure. Unresolved boundary issues, squabbles over oil revenues, the ongoing conflict in Darfur, escalating tribal violence in the south and generally weak state capacity across all of Sudan complete a very depressing picture of the state of affairs in Africa's largest country.
苏丹在2005年所签署 详尽的和平协议 最终证明不如预期 而且它的条款很可能埋下 南北之间 再次引发全面战争的种子 领导人的更迭与领导能力的缺乏 以及国际外交 无效的制度 三者同时 导致了失败 尚未解决的国界问题、原油收益的争议 达尔富尔正在进行的冲突 都加剧了南苏丹的部落暴力冲突 也削弱了苏丹对于 全国的控制能力 这些都为非洲最大的国家 未来的前景 绘制了一幅令人沮丧的画像
A final example: Kosovo. The failure to achieve a negotiated solution for Kosovo and the violence, tension and de facto partition that resulted from it have their reasons in many, many different factors. Central among them are three. First, the intransigence of local leaders to settle for nothing less than their maximum demands. Second, an international diplomatic effort that was hampered from the beginning by Western support for Kosovo's independence. And third, a lack of imagination when it came to designing institutions that could have addressed the concerns of Serbs and Albanians alike. By the same token -- and here we have some good news again -- the very fact that there is a high-level, well-resourced international presence in Kosovo and the Balkans region more generally and the fact that local leaders on both sides have showed relative restraint, explains why things have not been worse over the past two years since 2008.
最后一个例子:科索沃 科索沃谈判 以失败收场 当地的暴力冲突、紧张情势 以及所导致的实质分裂 都牵涉到 众多不同的因素 其中最关键的因素有三: 第一,每位当地的领袖 贪求自己的最高利益 不愿妥协让步 第二,国际外交所作的努力 从一开始就因为西方国家支持科索沃独立 而遭到莫大的阻碍 第三,制定足以同时 保障塞尔维亚人与阿尔巴利亚人 的制度之时 缺乏对于未来的前瞻性 同样的 我们在此也有些好消息 从2008开始至今两年 科索沃目前 已有高层次、资源充足的 国际势力介入调停 而且巴尔干地区已经普遍地展示出 双方的当地领袖 拥有相当的自制力 让事态不再继续恶化
So even in situations where outcomes are less than optimal, local leaders and international leaders have a choice, and they can make a difference for the better. A cold war is not as good as a cold peace, but a cold peace is still better than a hot war. Good news is also about learning the right lesson. So what then distinguishes the Israeli/Palestinian conflict from that in Northern Ireland, or the civil war in Sudan from that in Liberia? Both successes and failures teach us several critically important things that we need to bear in mind if we want the good news to continue. First, leadership. In the same way in which ethnic conflict and civil war are not natural but man-made disasters, their prevention and settlement does not happen automatically either. Leadership needs to be capable, determined and visionary in its commitment to peace. Leaders need to connect to each other and to their followers, and they need to bring them along on what is an often arduous journey into a peaceful future.
所以,即使是 情势不甚乐观的局面 当地领袖 与国际领袖仍有抉择的空间 他们拥有能力打造更好的未来 冷战 不会比冷和平 来的更好 但是冷和平 总比战争爆发的好得多 好消息也包括学习正确的教训 是什么原因造成 以色列人与巴勒斯坦人的冲突 与北爱尔兰不同的结局? 导致苏丹内战 与利比亚不同的结果? 成功与失败 都会给予我们必须 谨记在心的教训 如果我们希望好消息持续下去 第一,领导能力 无论是种族冲突还是内战 不是天灾 而是人祸 组织与解决纷争 不会如同天灾结束一般水到渠成 领导者必须有能力 拥有决心与愿景 致力于缔造和平 领导者之间必须合作 团结彼此的追随者 以带领他们 踏上艰巨的旅程 一起走向和平的未来
Second, diplomacy. Diplomacy needs to be well resourced, sustained, and apply the right mix of incentives and pressures on leaders and followers. It needs to help them reach an equitable compromise, and it needs to ensure that a broad coalition of local, regional and international supporters help them implement their agreement.
第二,外交手腕 外交必须拥有充足的资源 持续不断努力 以及施加与领袖与追随者之上 恰到好处的诱因与压力 外交必须协助他们达成彼此公平的妥协让步 也必须确保 当地 与国际支持者之间 广大的联盟 以协助他们制定协议
Third, institutional design. Institutional design requires a keen focus on issues, innovative thinking and flexible and well-funded implementation. Conflict parties need to move away from maximum demands and towards a compromise that recognizes each other's needs. And they need to think about the substance of their agreement much more than about the labels they want to attach to them. Conflict parties also need to be prepared to return to the negotiation table if the agreement implementation stalls.
第三,制度设计 制度设计需要 对于问题的敏锐专注 创新的思考 以及具有弹性与资金充足的实施方法 冲突的党派必须从彼此的最高利益之下 各让一步 已达成承认彼此需求的 妥协结果 而且他们必须思考 协议的实质意义 而不是 他们想加在其上的标签 冲突的党派也必须在 协议实行停滞不前的时候 做好回到谈判桌旁的准备
For me personally, the most critical lesson of all is this: Local commitment to peace is all-important, but it is often not enough to prevent or end violence. Yet, no amount of diplomacy or institutional design can make up for local failures and the consequences that they have. Therefore, we must invest in developing leaders, leaders that have the skills, vision and determination to make peace. Leaders, in other words, that people will trust and that they will want to follow even if that means making hard choices.
我个人而言 从这些例子中得到的最重要的教训是: 当地是否致力于和平 非常重要 光是这样不够 为了阻止或终结暴力冲突 再多的外交技巧 和制度设计 都不能弥补当地的失败 和其后果 所以,我们必须为了 培养领导人而投资 培养有本领 有远见和决心 制造和平的领导人 也就是说要培养 人民会信任 并且愿意追随的领导人 即使这意味着 要做出艰难的决定
A final thought: Ending civil wars is a process that is fraught with dangers, frustrations and setbacks. It often takes a generation to accomplish, but it also requires us, today's generation, to take responsibility and to learn the right lessons about leadership, diplomacy and institutional design, so that the child soldiers of today can become the children of tomorrow.
最后一点: 结束内战 是充满危险 挫败和挫折的过程。 往往几代人才能做到, 但是我们这代人也必须要这样去做 去承担起责任 去正确地学习 领导力,外交才能 和制度设计 这样,今天的童子军 才能称为明天享有和平的儿童
Thank you.
谢谢
(Applause)
(掌声)