I want to speak about a forgotten conflict. It's a conflict that rarely hits the headlines. It happens right here, in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Želim da govorim o zaboravljenom konfliktu. To je konflikt koji retko dospeva u vesti. Dešava se upravo ovde, u Demokratskoj Republici Kongo.
Now, most people outside of Africa don't know much about the war in Congo, so let me give you a couple of key facts. The Congolese conflict is the deadliest conflict since World War II. It has caused almost four million deaths. It has destabilized most of Central Africa for the past 18 years. It is the largest ongoing humanitarian crisis in the world.
Većina ljudi van Afrike ne zna puno o ratu u Kongu, pa dozvolite da vam iznesem nekoliko ključnih podataka. Konflikt u Kongu je najsmrtonosniji konflikt od Drugog svetskog rata. Prouzrokovao je skoro četiri miliona smrtnih slučajeva. Destabilizovao je veći deo centralne Afrike tokom poslednjih 18 godina.
That's why I first went to Congo in 2001. I was a young humanitarian aid worker, and I met this woman who was my age. She was called Isabelle. Local militias had attacked Isabelle's village. They had killed many men, raped many women. They had looted everything. And then they wanted to take Isabelle, but her husband stepped in, and he said, "No, please don't take Isabelle. Take me instead." So he had gone to the forest with the militias, and Isabelle had never seen him again.
To je najveća tekuća humanitarna kriza na svetu. Zato sam i otišla u Kongo prvi put 2001. godine. Bila sam mladi humanitarni radnik i srela sam ženu koja je bila mojih godina. Zvala se Izabel. Lokalna policija je napala Izabelino selo. Ubili su mnogo muškaraca, silovali mnogo žena. Sve su opljačkali. A zatim su želeli da odvedu Izabel, ali je njen muž uskočio, i rekao je: "Ne, molim vas, ne uzimajte Izabel. Uzmite mene umesto nje." Tako je on otišao u šumu sa policijom, i Izabel ga nikada više nije videla.
Well, it's because of people like Isabelle and her husband that I have devoted my career to studying this war that we know so little about.
Zbog ljudi kao što su Izabela i njen muž posvetila sam svoju karijeru izučavanju ovog rata o kome tako malo znamo.
Although there is one story about Congo that you may have heard. It's a story about minerals and rape. Policy statements and media reports both usually focus on a primary cause of violence in Congo -- the illegal exploitation and trafficking of natural resources -- and on a main consequence -- sexual abuse of women and girls as a weapon of war.
Mada postoji jedna priča o Kongu koju ste možda čuli. To je priča o mineralima i silovanju. Izjave policije i izveštaji medija se obično fokusiraju na primarni uzrok nasilja u Kongu - ilegalno iskorišćavanje i trgovina prirodnim resursima - i na glavnu posledicu - seksualno zlostavljanje žena i devojčica kao oružje rata.
So, not that these two issues aren't important and tragic. They are. But today I want to tell you a different story. I want to tell you a story that emphasizes a core cause of the ongoing conflict. Violence in Congo is in large part driven by local bottom-up conflicts that international peace efforts have failed to help address.
Nije da ta dva problema nisu važna i tragična. Oni to jesu. Ali danas želim da vam ispričam drugačiju priču. Želim da vam ispričam priču koja naglašava suštinski uzrok tekućeg konflikta. Nasiljem u Kongu velikim delom upravljaju lokalni konflikti odozdo kojima međunarodna mirovna nastojanja nisu uspela da pomognu.
The story starts from the fact that not only is Congo notable for being the world's worst ongoing humanitarian crisis, but it is also home to some of the largest international peacebuilding efforts in the world. Congo hosts the largest and most expensive United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world. It was also the site of the first European-led peacekeeping mission, and for its first cases ever, the International Criminal Court chose to prosecute Congolese warlords. In 2006, when Congo held the first free national elections in its history, many observers thought that an end to violence in the region had finally come. The international community lauded the successful organization of these elections as finally an example of successful international intervention in a failed state.
Priča počinje od činjenice da ne samo da se Kongo ističe kao najgora svetska tekuća humanitarna kriza, već je takođe i dom nekih od najvećih međunarodnih nastojanja za izgradnju mira na svetu. Kongo je domaćin najveće i najskuplje mirovne misije Ujedinjenih Nacija na svetu. Takođe je bio mesto gde se odvijala prva evropska mirovna misija, i za njene prve slučajeve, Međunarodni kriminalni sud je odlučio da goni ratne diktatore Konga. 2006. godine, kada je Kongo održao prve slobodne narodne izbore u svojoj istoriji, mnogi posmatrači su mislili da je konačno došao kraj nasilju u regionu. Međunarodna zajednica je hvalila uspešnu organizaciju ovih izbora kao konačni primer uspešne međunarodne intervencije u neuspešnoj državi.
But the eastern provinces have continued to face massive population displacements and horrific human rights violations. Shortly before I went back there last summer, there was a horrible massacre in the province of South Kivu. Thirty-three people were killed. They were mostly women and children, and many of them were hacked to death. During the past eight years, fighting in the eastern provinces has regularly reignited full-scale civil and international war. So basically, every time we feel that we are on the brink of peace, the conflict explodes again.
Ali istočne provincije su nastavile da se suočavaju sa masivnim raseljavanjem stanovništva i užasnim narušavanjem ljudskih prava. Malo pre nego što sam se vratila tamo prošlog leta, desio se užasni masakr u provinciji Južni Kivu. Tridesettroje ljudi je ubijeno. To su uglavnom bile žene i deca, i mnogi od njih su bili iskasapljeni. Tokom proteklih osam godina, borbe u istočnim provincijama su redovno raspirivale bezrezervan građanski i međunarodni rat. Tako da u suštini, svaki put kad pomislimo da smo nadomak mira, konflikt ponovo eksplodira.
Why? Why have the massive international efforts failed to help Congo achieve lasting peace and security? Well, my answer to this question revolves around two central observations. First, one of the main reasons for the continuation of violence in Congo is fundamentally local -- and when I say local, I really mean at the level of the individual, the family, the clan, the municipality, the community, the district, sometimes the ethnic group. For instance, you remember the story of Isabelle that I told you. Well, the reason why militias had attacked Isabelle's village was because they wanted to take the land that the villagers needed to cultivate food and to survive.
Zašto? Zašto snažna međunarodna delovanja nisu uspela da pomognu Kongu da postigne trajni mir i sigurnost? Pa, moj odgovor na ovo pitanje se vrti oko dva centralna zapažanja. Prvo, jedan od glavnih razloga za nastavak nasilja u Kongu je u osnovi lokalni - a kada kažem lokalni, u stvari mislim na nivou pojedinca, porodice, klana, opštine, zajednice, okruga, ponekad etničke grupe. Na primer, sećate se priče koju sam vam ispričala o Izabeli. Pa, razlog zbog kojeg je policija napala Izabelino selo jeste zato što su hteli da oduzmu zemlju koja je seljanima potrebna da bi uzgajali hranu i preživeli.
The second central observation is that international peace efforts have failed to help address local conflicts because of the presence of a dominant peacebuilding culture. So what I mean is that Western and African diplomats, United Nations peacekeepers, donors, the staff of most nongovernmental organizations that work with the resolution of conflict, they all share a specific way of seeing the world. And I was one of these people, and I shared this culture, so I know all too well how powerful it is. Throughout the world, and throughout conflict zones, this common culture shapes the intervener's understanding of the causes of violence as something that is primarily located in the national and international spheres. It shapes our understanding of the path toward peace as something again that requires top-down intervention to address national and international tensions. And it shapes our understanding of the roles of foreign actors as engaging in national and international peace processes. Even more importantly, this common culture enables international peacebuilders to ignore the micro-level tensions that often jeopardize the macro-level settlements.
Drugo centralno zapažanje je da međunarodna mirovna delovanja nisu uspela da pomognu u obuzdavanju lokalnih konflikata zbog prisustva dominantne kulture izgradnje mira. Ono što mislim pod tim je da zapadnjačke i afričke diplomate, mirotvorci Ujedinjenih nacija, donatori, zaposleni u većini nevladinih organizacija koje rade na razrešavanju konflikata, svi oni dele specifičan način sagledavanja sveta. Ja sam bila jedna od ovih ljudi, i delila sam tu kulturu, tako da dobro znam koliko je moćna. Širom sveta, i širom konfliktnih zona, ova rasprostranjena kultura oblikuje razumevanje onog ko interveniše u vezi sa uzrocima nasilja kao nešto što se primarno nalazi u narodnim i međunarodnim sferama. Oblikuje naše razumevanje puta ka miru kao nešto što zahteva intervenciju odozgo radi obračunavanja sa narodnim i međunarodnim tenzijama. I oblikuje naše razumevanje uloga stranih aktera kao aktivnim u narodnim i međunarodnim mirovnim procesima. Još važnije, ova rasprostranjena kultura omogućava međunarodnim mirotvorcima da ignorišu tenzije na mikro nivou koje često ugrožavaju dogovore na makro nivou.
So for instance, in Congo, because of how they are socialized and trained, United Nations officials, donors, diplomats, the staff of most nongovernmental organizations, they interpret continued fighting and massacres as a top-down problem. To them, the violence they see is the consequence of tensions between President Kabila and various national opponents, and tensions between Congo, Rwanda and Uganda. In addition, these international peacebuilders view local conflicts as simply the result of national and international tensions, insufficient state authority, and what they call the Congolese people's so-called inherent penchant for violence.
Tako na primer, u Kongu, zbog načina na koji su socijalizovani i obučeni, zvaničnici Ujedinjenih nacija, donatori, diplomate, radnici iz većine nevladinih organizacija, tumače produžene borbe i masakre kao problem odozgo nadole. Za njih, nasilje koje vide je posledica tenzija između predsednika Kabile i raznih nacionalnih protivnika, i tenzija između Konga, Ruande i Ugande. Pored toga, ovi međunarodni mirotvorci sagledavaju lokalne konflikte prosto kao rezultat narodnih i međunarodnih tenzije, nedovoljnog autoriteta države, i onoga što nazivaju takozvanom
The dominant culture also constructs intervention at the national and international levels as the only natural and legitimate task for United Nations staffers and diplomats. And it elevates the organization of general elections, which is now a sort of cure-all, as the most crucial state reconstruction mechanism over more effective state-building approaches. And that happens not only in Congo but also in many other conflict zones.
prirodnom sklonošću naroda Konga ka nasilju. Dominantna kultura takođe gradi intervenciju na narodnim i međunarodnim nivoima kao jedini prirodni i legitimni zadatak za članove Ujedinjenih nacija i diplomate. I to izdiže organizaciju opštih izbora, koja je sada neka vrsta univerzalnog rešenja, kao najvažniji mehanizam rekonstrukcije države iznad efektivnijih pristupa izgradnji države.
But let's dig deeper, into the other main sources of violence. In Congo, continuing violence is motivated not only by the national and international causes but also by longstanding bottom-up agendas whose main instigators are villagers, traditional chiefs, community chiefs or ethnic leaders. Many conflicts revolve around political, social and economic stakes that are distinctively local. For instance, there is a lot of competition at the village or district level over who can be chief of village or chief of territory according to traditional law, and who can control the distribution of land and the exploitation of local mining sites. This competition often results in localized fighting, for instance in one village or territory, and quite frequently, it escalates into generalized fighting, so across a whole province, and even at times into neighboring countries.
I to se dešava ne samo u Kongu već i u mnogim drugim konfliktnim zonama. Ali hajde da proniknemo dublje, u druge glavne izvore nasilja. U Kongu, produženo nasilje je motivisano ne samo narodnim i međunarodnim uzrocima već i dugogodišnjim programima odozdo nagore čiji glavni podstrekači su seljani, tradicionalni čelnici, šefovi zajednice ili etničke vođe. Mnogi konflikti se vrte oko političkih, društvenih i ekonomskih uloga koje su izrazito lokalne. Na primer, postoji mnogo nadmetanja na nivou sela ili okruga oko toga ko može biti šef sela ili šef teritorije prema tradicionalnom zakonu, i ko može kontrolisati raspodelu zemlje i eksploataciju lokalnih rudnika. Ovo nadmetanje često ima za posledicu lokalizovanu borbu, na primer u jednom selu ili teritoriji, i prilično često, eskalira u opštu borbu, kroz celu oblast, čak ponekad i na susedne zemlje.
Take the conflict between Congolese of Rwandan descent and the so-called indigenous communities of the Kivus. This conflict started in the 1930s during Belgian colonization, when both communities competed over access to land and to local power. Then, in 1960, after Congolese independence, it escalated because each camp tried to align with national politicians, but still to advance their local agendas. And then, at the time of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, these local actors allied with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups, but still to advance their local agendas in the provinces of the Kivus. And since then, these local disputes over land and local power have fueled violence, and they have regularly jeopardized the national and international settlements.
Uzmite konflikt između naslednika Konga i Ruande i takozvanih starosedelačkih zajednica Kivua. Ovaj konflikt je započet 1930-ih godina za vreme belgijskog kolonizovanja, kada su se obe zajednice nadmetale oko pristupa zemlji i lokalnoj moći. Zatim, 1960. godine, nakon nezavisnosti Konga, to je eskaliralo jer je svaki tabor pokušao da se poveže sa narodnim političarima, ali još uvek da bi unapredili svoje lokalne programe. A zatim, u vreme genocida u Ruandi 1994. godine, ovi lokalni akteri su se udružili sa naoružanim grupama Konga i Ruande, ali još uvek da bi unapredili svoje lokalne programe u oblasti Kivua. I od tada, ovi lokalni sporovi oko zemlje i lokalne moći su podstakli nasilje, i redovno su ugrožavali narodne i međunarodne dogovore.
So we can wonder why in these circumstances the international peacebuilders have failed to help implement local peacebuilding programs. And the answer is that international interveners deem the resolution of grassroots conflict an unimportant, unfamiliar, and illegitimate task. The very idea of becoming involved at the local level clashes fundamentally with existing cultural norms, and it threatens key organizational interests. For instance, the very identity of the United Nations as this macro-level diplomatic organization would be upended if it were to refocus on local conflicts. And the result is that neither the internal resistance to the dominant ways of working nor the external shocks have managed to convince international actors that they should reevaluate their understanding of violence and intervention. And so far, there have been only very few exceptions. There have been exceptions, but only very few exceptions, to this broad pattern.
Možemo se zapitati zašto u ovim okolnostima međunarodni mirotvorci nisu uspeli da pomognu u primeni lokalnih programa za izradnju mira. A odgovor je da međunarodni posrednici smatraju rešavanje provincijskih konflikata nevažnim, nepoznatim i bespravnim zadatkom. Sama ideja o uplitanju na lokalnom nivou suštinski se sukobljava sa postojećim kulturnim normama, i preti ključnim interesima organizacije. Na primer, sam identitet Ujedinjenih nacija kao diplomatske organizacije na makro nivou bio bi srušen kada bi se preusmerili na lokalne konflikte. A rezultat je da ni unutrašnji otpor dominantnim načinima funkcionisanja niti spoljašnji udari nisu uspeli da ubede međunarodne aktere da treba da ponovo procene svoje razumevanje nasilja i intervencije. Do sada je bilo veoma malo izuzetaka. Bilo je izuzetaka, ali veoma malo, od ovog opšteg pristupa.
So to wrap up, the story I just told you is a story about how a dominant peacebuilding culture shapes the intervener's understanding of what the causes of violence are, how peace is made, and what interventions should accomplish. These understandings enable international peacebuilders to ignore the micro-level foundations that are so necessary for sustainable peace. The resulting inattention to local conflicts leads to inadequate peacebuilding in the short term and potential war resumption in the long term. And what's fascinating is that this analysis helps us to better understand many cases of lasting conflict and international intervention failures, in Africa and elsewhere. Local conflicts fuel violence in most war and post-war environments, from Afghanistan to Sudan to Timor-Leste, and in the rare cases where there have been comprehensive, bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives, these attempts have been successful at making peace sustainable. One of the best examples is the contrast between the relatively peaceful situation in Somaliland, which benefited from sustained grassroots peacebuilding initiatives, and the violence prevalent in the rest of Somalia, where peacebuilding has been mostly top-down. And there are several other cases in which local, grassroots conflict resolution has made a crucial difference.
Da zaokružimo, priča koju sam vam upravo ispričala je priča o tome kako dominantna kultura izgradnje mira oblikuje razumevanje posrednika o tome koji su uzroci nasilja, kako se ostvaruje mir, i šta intervencije treba da postignu. Ovo razumevanje omogućava međunarodnim mirotvorcima da ignorišu temelje mikro nivoa koje su toliko neophodne za održiv mir. Posledično neobraćanje pažnje na lokalne konflikte vodi neadekvatnoj izgradnji mira u kratkoročnom periodu i potencijalnom obnavljanju rata na duge staze. A ono što je fascinantno je da nam ova analiza pomaže da bolje razumemo mnoge slučajeve dugotrajnog konflikta i neuspehe međunarodnih intervencija, u Africi i na drugim mestima. Lokalni konflikti podstiču nasilje u većini ratnih i posleratnih sredina, od Avganistana i Sudana do Istočnog Timora, i u retkim slučajevima gde je bilo obuhvatnih inicijativa za izgradnju mira odozdo na gore, ti pokušaji su bili uspešni u postizanju mira koji je održiv. Jedan od najboljih primera je kontrast između relativno mirne situacije u Somalilendu, koji je imao koristi od održivih mirotvornih inicijativa na nižim nivoima, i nasilja koji preovlađuje u ostatku Somalije, gde je izgradnja mira uglavnom išla odozgo na dole. Postoji i nekoliko drugih slučajeva u kojima je lokalno razrešenje konflikta imalo ključnog uticaja.
So if we want international peacebuilding to work, in addition to any top-down intervention, conflicts must be resolved from the bottom up. And again, it's not that national and international tensions don't matter. They do. And it's not that national and international peacebuilding isn't necessary. It is. Instead, it is that both macro-level and micro-level peacebuilding are needed to make peace sustainable, and local nongovernmental organizations, local authorities and civil society representatives should be the main actors in the bottom-up process.
Zato ako želimo da međunarodna izgradnja mira uspe, pored intervencija odozgo na dole, konflikti se moraju rešavati odozdo. Još jednom, nije da narodne i međunarodne tenzije nisu bitne. Bitne su. I nije da narodna i međunarodna izgradnja mira nije potrebna. Potrebna je. Umesto toga, potrebna je izgradnja mira i na makro i na mikro nivou da bi učinili mir održivim, i lokalne nevladine organizacije, lokalni organi vlasti i predstavnici građanskog društva bi trebalo da budu glavni akteri u procesu odozdo na gore.
So of course, there are obstacles. Local actors often lack the funding and sometimes the logistical means and the technical capacity to implement effective, local peacebuilding programs. So international actors should expand their funding and support for local conflict resolution.
Naravno, ima prepreka. Lokalnim akterima često nedostaju finansije i ponekad logistička sredstva i tehnički kapacitet za primenu efikasnih lokalnih programa za izgradnju mira. Zato međunarodni akteri treba da prošire svoje finansiranje i podršku na rešavanje lokalnih konflikata.
As for Congo, what can be done? After two decades of conflict and the deaths of millions, it's clear that we need to change our approach. Based on my field research, I believe that international and Congolese actors should pay more attention to the resolution of land conflict and the promotion of inter-community reconciliation. So for instance, in the province of the Kivus, the Life and Peace Institute and its Congolese partners have set up inter-community forums to discuss the specifics of local conflicts over land, and these forums have found solutions to help manage the violence. That's the kind of program that is sorely needed throughout eastern Congo. It's with programs like this that we can help people like Isabelle and her husband.
A što se tiče Konga, šta se može učiniti? Nakon dve decenije konflikata i smrti miliona ljudi, jasno je da moramo da promenimo naš pristup. Na osnovu mog terenskog istraživanja, verujem da bi međunarodni akteri i akteri Konga trebalo da obrate više pažnje na rešavanje domaćih konflikata i podsticanje pomirenja između zajednica. Tako na primer, u provinciji Kivua, institut Život i mir i njegovi partneri iz Konga su pokrenuli forume između zajednica kako bi razgovarali o specifičnostima lokalnih konflikata oko poseda, i ovi forumi su pronašli rešenja za pomoć u obuzdavanju nasilja. Takav program je preko potreban širom istočnog Konga. Ovakvim programima možemo pomoći ljudima kao što su Izabela i njen muž.
So these will not be magic wands, but because they take into account deeply rooted causes of the violence, they could definitely be game-changers.
To neće biti kao magičnim štapićem, ali pošto obuhvataju duboko ukorenjene uzroke nasilja, definitivno mogu promeniti situaciju.
Thank you.
Hvala.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)