I've been a political cartoonist on the global stage for the last 20 years. Hey, we have seen a lot of things happen in those 20 years. We saw three different Catholic popes, and we witnessed that unique moment: the election of a pope on St. Peter's Square -- you know, the little white smoke and the official announcement. [It's a boy!]
Ja sam politički karikaturista prisutan na svetskoj sceni poslednjih 20 godina. Hej, videli smo da se mnogo toga desilo za tih 20 godina. Videli smo trojicu različitih katoličkih papa, i bili smo svedoci tog jedinstvenog trenutka: izbora pape na Trgu svetog Petra - znate, mali beli dim i zvanično saopštenje. [Muško je!]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
We saw four American presidents. Obama, of course. Oh, Europeans liked him a lot. He was a multilateralist. He favored diplomacy. He wanted to be friends with Iran.
Videli smo četiri američka predsednika. Obamu, naravno. O, Evropljani su ga mnogo voleli. Bio je multilateralista. Zalagao se za diplomatiju. Hteo je da se sprijatelji sa Iranom.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
And then ... reality imitated caricature the day Donald Trump became the President of the United States of America.
A potom... stvarnost je oponašala karikaturu onog dana kada je Donald Tramp postao predsednik Sjedinjenih Američkih Država.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
You know, people come to us and they say, "It's too easy for you cartoonists. I mean -- with people like Trump?" Well, no, it's not easy to caricature a man who is himself a caricature.
Znate, ljudi nam prilaze i kažu: „Previše je lako za vas karikaturiste. Mislim - sa ljudima poput Trampa?“ Pa, ne, nije lako napraviti karikaturu čoveka koji je sam po sebi karikatura.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
No.
Ne.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
Populists are no easy target for satire because you try to nail them down one day, and the next day, they outdo you. For example, as soon as he was elected, I tried to imagine the tweet that Trump would send on Christmas Eve. So I did this, OK?
Populisti nisu laka meta za satiru jer probaš da ih poklopiš jednog dana, i sutradan te nadmaše. Na primer, čim je izabran, pokušao sam da zamislim tvit koji će Tramp poslati na Badnje veče. Pa sam uradio ovo, okej?
[Merry Christmas to all! Except all those pathetic losers. So sad.]
[Srećan Božić svima! Osim svih onih patetičnih gubitnika. Baš jadno.]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
And basically, the next day, Trump tweeted this:
I u suštini, sutradan je Tramp tvitovao ovo:
[Happy New Year to all, including to my many enemies and those who have fought me and lost so badly they just don't know what to do. Love!]
[Srećna Nova godina svima, uključujući i moje mnogobrojne neprijatelje i one koji su se borili protiv mene i tako izgubili da prosto ne znaju šta će. S ljubavlju!]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
It's the same!
Isto je!
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
This is the era of strongmen. And soon, Donald Trump was able to meet his personal hero, Vladimir Putin, and this is how the first meeting went:
Ovo je doba moćnika. Uskoro je Donald Tramp uspeo da upozna svog ličnog heroja Vladimira Putina, i ovako je protekao prvi sastanak:
[I'll help you find the hackers. Give me your password.]
[Pomoći ću vam da pronađete hakere. Dajte mi svoju lozinku.]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
And I'm not inventing anything. He came out of that first meeting saying that the two of them had agreed on a joint task force on cybersecurity. This is true, if you do remember.
A ništa ne izmišljam. Izašao je sa tog prvog sastanka rekavši da su se njih dvojica složili o zajedničkoj radnoj grupi za sajber sigurnost. To je istina, ako se sećate.
Oh, who would have imagined the things we saw over these 20 years. We saw Great Britain run towards a European Union exit.
O, ko je mogao da zamisli stvari koje smo videli tokom ovih 20 godina. Videli smo kako Velika Britanija juri ka izlazu iz Evropske unije.
[Hard Brexit?]
[Bolan Bregzit?]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
In the Middle East, we believed for a while in the democratic miracle of the Arab Spring. We saw dictators fall, we saw others hang on.
Na Bliskom istoku smo neko vreme verovali u demokratsko čudo Arapskog proleća. Videli smo kako diktatori padaju, videli smo i druge kako opstaju.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
And then there is the timeless Kim dynasty of North Korea. These guys seem to be coming straight out of Cartoon Network. I was blessed to be able to draw two of them. Kim Jong-il, the father, when he died a few years ago, that was a very dangerous moment.
A tu je i vanvremenska dinastija Kim iz Severne Koreje. Oni kao dolaze pravo sa Kartun netvorka. Srećan sam što sam imao priliku da nacrtam njih dvojicu. Kim Džong Il, otac, kada je umro pre nekoliko godina, to je bio vrlo opasan trenutak.
[That was close!]
[Bilo je blizu!]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
That was --
Bilo je -
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
And then the son, Kim Jong-un, proved himself a worthy successor to the throne. He's now friends with the US president. They meet each other all the time, and they talk like friends.
A onda je sin, Kim Džong Un, dokazao da je dostojan naslednik trona. Sada se druži sa američkim predsednikom. Stalno se nalaze i razgovaraju kao prijatelji.
[What kind of hair gel?]
[Koji gel za kosu?]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
Should we be surprised to be living in a world ruled by egomaniacs? What if they were just a reflection of ourselves? I mean, look at us, each of us.
Treba li da budemo iznenađeni što živimo u svetu u kome vladaju ego manijaci? Šta ako su oni samo odraz nas samih? Mislim, pogledajte nas, svakog od nas.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
Yeah, we love our smartphones; we love our selfies; we love ourselves. And thanks to Facebook, we have a lot of friends all over the world. Mark Zuckerberg is our friend.
Da, volimo svoje telefone; volimo svoje selfije, volimo sami sebe. A zahvaljujući Fejsbuku, imamo mnogo prijatelja širom sveta. Mark Zakenberg nam je prijatelj.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
You know, he and his peers in Silicon Valley are the kings and the emperors of our time. Showing that the emperors have no clothes, that's the task of satire, right? Speaking truth to power. This has always been the historical role of political cartooning. In the 1830s, postrevolutionary France under King Louis Philippe, journalists and caricaturists fought hard for the freedom of the press. They were jailed, they were fined, but they prevailed. And this caricature of the king by Daumier came to define the monarch. It marked history. It became the timeless symbol of satire triumphing over autocracy.
Znate, on i njegove kolege u Silicijumskoj dolini su kraljevi i carevi našeg doba. Pokazivanje da carevi nemaju odeću, to je zadatak satire, zar ne? Govorenje istine vlasti. Oduvek je to bila istorijska uloga političke karikature. U postrevolucionarnoj Francuskoj pod kraljem Lujem Filipom, 1830-ih, novinari i karikaturisti žestoko su se borili za slobodu štampe. Zatvarani su, novčano kažnjavani, ali odoleli su. Ova karikatura kralja koju je nacrtao Domije postala je definicija monarha. Obeležila je istoriju. Postala je vanvremenski simbol satire koja trijumfuje nad autokratijom.
Today, 200 years after Daumier, are political cartoons at risk of disappearing? Take this blank space on the front page of Turkish opposition newspaper "Cumhuriyet." This is where Musa Kart's cartoon used to appear. In 2018, Musa Kart was sentenced to three years in jail. For doing what? For doing political cartoons in Erdoğan's Turkey. Cartoonists from Venezuela, Russia, Syria have been forced into exile.
Danas, 200 godina od Domijea, da li su političke karikature u opasnosti da nestanu? Uzmite ovaj prazan prostor na naslovnici turskog opozicionog lista „Šumkurijet“. Tu se nekada pojavljivala karikatura Muse Karta. Godine 2018. Musa Kart je osuđen na tri godine zatvora. Zbog čega? Zbog crtanja političkih karikatura u Erdoganovoj Turskoj. Karikaturisti iz Venecuele, Rusije i Sirije primorani su na izgnanstvo.
Look at this image. It seems so innocent, right? Yet it is so provocative. When he posted this image, Hani Abbas knew it would change his life. It was in 2012, and the Syrians were taking to the streets. Of course, the little red flower is the symbol of the Syrian revolution. So pretty soon, the regime was after him, and he had to flee the country. A good friend of his, cartoonist Akram Raslan, didn't make it out of Syria. He died under torture.
Pogledajte ovu sliku. Deluje tako nevino, zar ne? A ipak je tako provokativna. Kada je objavio ovu sliku, Hani Abas je znao da će mu to promeniti život. Bilo je to 2012. godine, i Sirijci su izašli na ulice. Naravno, mali crveni cvet je simbol sirijske revolucije. Ubrzo mu je režim bio za petama i morao je da pobegne iz zemlje. Njegov dobar prijatelj, karikaturista Akram Raslan, nije uspeo da ode iz Sirije. Umro je dok su ga mučili.
In the United States of America recently, some of the very top cartoonists, like Nick Anderson and Rob Rogers -- this is a cartoon by Rob --
U Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, nedavno, neki od vrhunskih karikaturista kao što su Nik Anderson i Rob Rodžers - ovo je Robova karikatura -
[Memorial Day 2018. (on tombstone) Truth. Honor. Rule of Law.]
[Dan komemoracije 2018. (na nadgrobnom spomeniku) Istina. Čast. Vladavina prava.]
they lost their positions because their publishers found their work too critical of Trump. And the same happened to Canadian cartoonist Michael de Adder. Hey, maybe we should start worrying. Political cartoons were born with democracy, and they are challenged when freedom is.
izgubili su posao jer su izdavači smatrali da njihov rad previše kritikuje Trampa. Isto se desilo i kanadskom karikaturisti Majklu de Aderu. Hej, možda bi trebalo da počnemo da brinemo. Političke karikature su rođene kada i demokratija, i osporavaju se kada se osporava sloboda.
You know, over the years, with the Cartooning for Peace Foundation and other initiatives, Kofi Annan -- this is not well known -- he was the honorary chair of our foundation, the late Kofi Annan, Nobel Peace Laureate. He was a great defender of cartoons. Or, on the board of the Association of American Editorial Cartoonists, we have advocated on behalf of jailed, threatened, fired, exiled cartoonists. But I never saw a case of someone losing his job over a cartoon he didn't do. Well, that happened to me.
Znate, tokom godina, sa fondacijom Karikatura za mir i drugim inicijativama, Kofi Anan - o tome se ne zna mnogo - bio je počasni predsednik naše fondacije, pokojni Kofi Anan, dobitnik Nobelove nagrade. On je bio veliki pobornik karikatura. Ili, na upravnom odboru Udruženja američkih političkih karikaturista, zalagali smo se za karikaturiste koje su zatvarali, pretili im, otpuštali i proterivali ih. Ali nikada nisam video slučaj da neko izgubi posao zbog karikature koju nije nacrtao. Pa, to se dogodilo meni.
For the last 20 years, I have been with the "International Herald Tribune" and the "New York Times." Then something happened. In April 2019, a cartoon by a famous Portuguese cartoonist, which was first published in a newspaper "El Expresso" in Lisbon, was picked by an editor at the "New York Times" and reprinted in the international editions. This thing blew up. It was denounced as anti-Semitic, triggered widespread outrage, apologies and a lot of damage control by the Times. A month after, my editor told me they were ending political cartoons altogether.
Poslednjih 20 godina sam radio sa „Internešnal heral tribjunom“ i „Njujork tajmsom“. Onda se nešto dogodilo. Aprila 2019. godine, karikaturu poznatog portugalskog karikaturiste, koja je prvi put objavljena u novinama „El ekspreso“ u Lisabonu, preuzeo je urednik „Njujork tajmsa“ i ponovo je štampana u međunarodnim izdanjima. Stvar je poprimila velike dimenzije. Proglašena je za antisemitsku i naširoko pokrenula bes, izvinjenja i mnogo rada u Tajmsu na popravljanju počinjene štete. Mesec dana kasnije, urednik mi je rekao da ukidaju sve političke karikature.
So we could, and we should, have a discussion about that cartoon. Some people say it reminds them of the worst anti-Semitic propaganda. Others, including in Israel, say no, it's just a harsh criticism of Trump, who is shown as blindly following the Prime Minister of Israel. I have some issues with this cartoon, but that discussion did not happen at the "New York Times." Under attack, they took the easiest path: in order to not have problems with political cartoons in the future, let's not have any at all.
Mogli bismo, a i trebalo bi, da povedemo raspravu o toj karikaturi. Neki kažu da ih podseća na najgoru antisemitsku propagandu. Drugi, uključujući neke iz Izraela, kažu da nije tako, već je u pitanju samo oštra kritika Trampa, koji je prikazan tako da slepo prati premijera Izraela. I za mene je ova karikatura problematična, ali rasprava o tome nije povedena u „Njujork tajmsu“. Pod napadom su krenuli najlakšim putem: da ubuduće ne bismo imali problema sa političkim karikaturama, hajde da ih sve ukinemo.
Hey, this is new. Did we just invent preventive self-censorship? I think this is bigger than cartoons. This is about opinion and journalism. This, in the end, is about democracy.
Hej, ovo je nešto novo. Da li smo upravo izmislili preventivnu samocenzuru? Mislim da se ovde ne radi samo o karikaturama. Ovde se radi o mišljenjima i novinarstvu. Radi se, naposletku, o demokratiji.
We now live in a world where moralistic mobs gather on social media and rise like a storm. The most outraged voices tend to define the conversation, and the angry crowd follows in. These social media mobs, sometimes fueled by interest groups, fall upon newsrooms in an overwhelming blow. They send publishers and editors scrambling for countermeasures. This leaves no room for meaningful discussions. Twitter is a place for fury, not for debate.
Živimo u svetu u kome se moralističke rulje okupljaju na društvenim mrežama i podižu se kao oluja. Najbešnji glasovi obično definišu razgovor, a ljuta gomila sledi za njima. Te rulje sa društvenih mreža, ponekad pod uticajem interesnih grupa, napadaju redakcije velikom silinom. Zbog njih se izdavači i urednici dovijaju da nađu protivmere. To ne ostavlja mesta za smislene razgovore. Tviter je mesto za ispoljavanje besa, a ne za debatu.
And you know what? Someone described pretty well our human condition in this noisy age. You know who? Shakespeare, 400 years ago.
I znate šta? Neko je prilično dobro opisao naše ljudsko stanje u ovom bučnom dobu. Znate ko? Šekspir, pre 400 godina.
["(Life is) a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing."]
[„(Život je) priča koju idiot priča, puna krika i besa, a ne znači ništa.“]
This speaks to me. Shakespeare is still very relevant, no? But the world has changed a bit.
Ovo je za mene vrlo značajno. Šekspir je i dalje vrlo primenljiv, zar ne? Ali svet se malo promenio.
[Too long!]
[Predugačko!]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
It's true.
Istina.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
You know, social media is both a blessing and a curse for cartoons. This is the era of the image, so they get shared, they get viral, but that also makes them a prime target. More than often, the real target behind the cartoon is the media that published it.
Znate, društvene mreže su istovremeno blagoslov i prokletstvo za karikature. Ovo je doba slike, pa se one dele i šire se, ali zbog toga postaju i glavna meta. Često su prava meta iza karikatura mediji koji ih objavljuju.
[Covering Iraq? No, Trump!]
[Izveštavaš o Iraku? Ne, o Trampu!]
That relationship between traditional media and social media is a funny one. On one hand, you have the time-consuming process of information, verification, curation. On the other hand, it's an open buffet, frankly, for rumors, opinions, emotions, amplified by algorithms. Even quality newspapers mimic the codes of social networks on their websites. They highlight the 10 most read, the 10 most shared stories. They should put forward the 10 most important stories.
Taj odnos između tradicionalnih medija i društvenih mreža je baš zanimljiv. Sa jedne strane imate dugotrajan proces prikupljanja informacija, njihove provere i uređivanja. S druge strane je, iskreno, otvoreni bife za glasine, mišljenja, emocije, pojačane algoritmima. Čak i kvalitetne novine oponašaju kodove društvenih mreža na svojim sajtovima. Istaknu 10 najčitanijih priča, onih koje se najviše dele. Trebalo bi da izbace 10 najvažnijih priča.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
The media must not be intimidated by social media, and editors should stop being afraid of the angry mob.
Mediji ne smeju biti zastrašeni društvenim mrežama, i urednici treba da prestanu da se boje besne gomile.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
We're not going to put up warnings the way we do on cigarette packs, are we?
Nećemo valjda postavljati upozorenja kao na kutijama cigareta?
[Satire can hurt your feelings]
[Satira vam može povrediti osećanja]
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
Come on.
Ma dajte, molim vas.
[Under your burkini you could be hiding a sex bomb]
[Pod burkinijem možda krijete seks-bombu]
Political cartoons are meant to provoke, just like opinions. But before all, they are meant to be thought-provoking. You feel hurt? Just let it go. You don't like it? Look the other way. Freedom of expression is not incompatible with dialogue and listening to each other. But it is incompatible with intolerance.
Političke karikature imaju za cilj da provociraju, baš kao i mišljenja. Ali pre svega imaju za cilj da podstaknu na razmišljanje. Osećate se povređeno? Prevaziđite to. Ne sviđa vam se? Skrenite pogled. Sloboda izražavanja nije nespojiva s dijalogom i međusobnim slušanjem. Ali je nespojiva sa netolerancijom.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
Let us not become our own censors in the name of political correctness. We need to stand up, we need to push back, because if we don't, we will wake up tomorrow in a sanitized world, where any form of satire and political cartooning becomes impossible. Because, when political pressure meets political correctness, freedom of speech perishes.
Nemojmo postati sopstveni cenzori u ime političke korektnosti. Moramo da ustanemo, moramo da se odupremo, jer ćemo se u suprotnom sutradan probuditi u sterilizovanom svetu u kome bilo koja vrsta satire i političke karikature postaje nemoguća. Jer kada se politički pritisak susretne sa političkom korektnošću, sloboda govora nestaje.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
Do you remember January 2015? With the massacre of journalists and cartoonists at "Charlie Hebdo" in Paris, we discovered the most extreme form of censorship: murder. Remember how it felt.
Sećate li se januara 2015? Kroz masakr novinara i karikaturista „Šarli ebdoa“ u Parizu, otkrili smo najekstremniji oblik cenzure: ubistvo. Setite se kakav je bio osećaj.
[Without humor we are all dead]
[Bez humora svi smo mrtvi]
Whatever one thought of that satirical magazine, however one felt about those particular cartoons, we all sensed that something fundamental was at stake, that citizens of free societies -- actually, citizens of any society -- need humor as much as the air we breathe. This is why the extremists, the dictators, the autocrats and, frankly, all the ideologues of the world cannot stand humor.
Šta god mislili o tom satiričnom časopisu, kakva god osećanja da vam bude te karikature, svi smo osetili da je u pitanju nešto fundamentalno, da građanima slobodnih društava - u stvari, građanima bilo kog društva - treba humor koliko i vazduh koji udišemo. Zbog toga ekstremisti, diktatori, autokrati i, iskreno, svi ideolozi sveta ne podnose humor.
In the insane world we live in right now, we need political cartoons more than ever. And we need humor.
U suludom svetu u kome trenutno živimo, potrebne su nam političke kartikature više nego ikada pre. I treba nam humor.
Thank you.
Hvala.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)