I've been a political cartoonist on the global stage for the last 20 years. Hey, we have seen a lot of things happen in those 20 years. We saw three different Catholic popes, and we witnessed that unique moment: the election of a pope on St. Peter's Square -- you know, the little white smoke and the official announcement. [It's a boy!]
Ja sam politički karikaturist na globalnoj sceni proteklih 20 godina. Hej, vidjeli smo mnogo događanja u tih 20 godina. Vidjeli smo trojicu različitih katoličkih papa i svjedočili tom jedinstvenom trenutku: izboru pape na Trgu svetog Petra - znate, mali bijeli dim i službeno proglašenje. [Dječak je!]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
We saw four American presidents. Obama, of course. Oh, Europeans liked him a lot. He was a multilateralist. He favored diplomacy. He wanted to be friends with Iran.
Vidjeli smo četiri američka predsjednika. Obamu, naravno. Oh, Europljani su ga stvarno voljeli. Bio je multilateralist. Volio je diplomaciju. Htio se sprijateljiti s Iranom.
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
And then ... reality imitated caricature the day Donald Trump became the President of the United States of America.
I onda... stvarnost je imitirala karikaturu onog dana kad je Donald Trump postao predsjednik Sjedinjenih Američkih Država.
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
You know, people come to us and they say, "It's too easy for you cartoonists. I mean -- with people like Trump?" Well, no, it's not easy to caricature a man who is himself a caricature.
Znate, ljudi dolaze k nama i kažu: "Vama karikaturistima je tako lako." Mislim, s ljudima poput Trumpa? Pa, ne, nije lako napraviti karikaturu čovjeka koji je sam po sebi karikatura.
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
No.
Ne.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
Populists are no easy target for satire because you try to nail them down one day, and the next day, they outdo you. For example, as soon as he was elected, I tried to imagine the tweet that Trump would send on Christmas Eve. So I did this, OK?
Pristalice populizma nisu laka meta za satiru jer ih pokušavate srediti jedan dan, a već idućeg vas nadmaše. Primjerice, čim je izabran, pokušao sam zamisliti tweet koji bi Trump objavio na Badnjak. I napravio sam ovo, OK?
[Merry Christmas to all! Except all those pathetic losers. So sad.]
[Sretan Božić svima! Osim svim onim patetičnim luzerima. Tako tužno.]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
And basically, the next day, Trump tweeted this:
I u osnovi, idućega dana, Trump je objavio ovo:
[Happy New Year to all, including to my many enemies and those who have fought me and lost so badly they just don't know what to do. Love!]
[Sretna Nova godina svima, uključujući mojim brojnim neprijateljima i onima koji su se borili protiv mene i izgubili da ne znaju što bi. S ljubavlju!]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
It's the same!
Isto je!
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
This is the era of strongmen. And soon, Donald Trump was able to meet his personal hero, Vladimir Putin, and this is how the first meeting went:
Ovo je era snažnih ljudi. I uskoro, Donald Trump mogao je upoznati svog osobnog heroja, Vladimira Putina, i ovo je kako je prošao prvi sastanak:
[I'll help you find the hackers. Give me your password.]
[Pomoći ću ti pronaći hakere. Daj mi svoju lozinku.]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
And I'm not inventing anything. He came out of that first meeting saying that the two of them had agreed on a joint task force on cybersecurity. This is true, if you do remember.
I ništa ne izmišljam. Izašao je s tog prvog sastanka i rekao da su njih dvojica dogovorili zajedničku suradnju o kibernetičkoj sigurnosti. Ovo je točno, ako se sjećate.
Oh, who would have imagined the things we saw over these 20 years. We saw Great Britain run towards a European Union exit.
Oh, tko bi mogao zamisliti stvari koje smo vidjeli kroz tih 20 godina. Vidjeli smo Veliku Britaniju kako trči kroz izlaz Europske Unije.
[Hard Brexit?]
[Težak Brexit?]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
In the Middle East, we believed for a while in the democratic miracle of the Arab Spring. We saw dictators fall, we saw others hang on.
Na Bliskom istoku, vjerovali smo neko vrijeme u demokratsko čudo Arapskog proljeća. Vidjeli smo svrgavanje diktatora, vidjeli smo održavanje drugih.
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
And then there is the timeless Kim dynasty of North Korea. These guys seem to be coming straight out of Cartoon Network. I was blessed to be able to draw two of them. Kim Jong-il, the father, when he died a few years ago, that was a very dangerous moment.
I onda je tu bezvremenska dinastija Kim iz Sjeverne Koreje. Čini se da ti tipovi dolaze direktno s dječje televizije. Bio sam blagoslovljen da mogu nacrtati dvojicu. Kim Jong-ila, oca, kad je umro prije nekoliko godina, bio je to jako opasan trenutak.
[That was close!]
[To je bilo blizu!]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
That was --
To je bilo...
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
And then the son, Kim Jong-un, proved himself a worthy successor to the throne. He's now friends with the US president. They meet each other all the time, and they talk like friends.
I potom se njegov sin, Kim Jong-un, dokazao kao dostojan nasljednik prijestolja. On je sada prijatelj s predsjednikom SAD-a. Oni se stalno sastaju i razgovaraju kao prijatelji.
[What kind of hair gel?]
[Koja vrsta gela za kosu?]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
Should we be surprised to be living in a world ruled by egomaniacs? What if they were just a reflection of ourselves? I mean, look at us, each of us.
Trebamo li biti iznenađeni što živimo u svijetu u kojem vladaju egomanijaci? Što ako su oni samo odraz nas samih? Mislim, pogledajte nas, svakog od nas.
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
Yeah, we love our smartphones; we love our selfies; we love ourselves. And thanks to Facebook, we have a lot of friends all over the world. Mark Zuckerberg is our friend.
Da, volimo svoje pametne telefone; svoje slike; volimo sebe. I zahvaljujući Facebooku, imamo mnoštvo prijatelja diljem svijeta. Mark Zuckerberg je naš prijatelj.
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
You know, he and his peers in Silicon Valley are the kings and the emperors of our time. Showing that the emperors have no clothes, that's the task of satire, right? Speaking truth to power. This has always been the historical role of political cartooning. In the 1830s, postrevolutionary France under King Louis Philippe, journalists and caricaturists fought hard for the freedom of the press. They were jailed, they were fined, but they prevailed. And this caricature of the king by Daumier came to define the monarch. It marked history. It became the timeless symbol of satire triumphing over autocracy.
Znate, on i njegovi prijatelji u Silicijskoj dolini kraljevi su i carevi našeg vremena. Pokazivanje kako je car gol, to je zadatak satire, nije li? Govorenje istine moći. Uvijek je postojala povijesna uloga političkih karikatura. 1830-ih, postrevolucijska Francuska pod kraljem Louisom Philippeom, novinari i karikaturisti snažno su se borili za slobodu tiska. Bili su zatvarani, pisane su im kazne, ali prevladali su. I ova karikatura kralja koju je napravio Daumier definirala je monarhiju. Obilježila je povijest. Postala je bezvremenski simbol satire koja pobjeđuje autokraciju.
Today, 200 years after Daumier, are political cartoons at risk of disappearing? Take this blank space on the front page of Turkish opposition newspaper "Cumhuriyet." This is where Musa Kart's cartoon used to appear. In 2018, Musa Kart was sentenced to three years in jail. For doing what? For doing political cartoons in Erdoğan's Turkey. Cartoonists from Venezuela, Russia, Syria have been forced into exile.
Danas, 200 godina nakon Daumiera, jesu li političke karikature na rubu nestajanja? Uzmite ovaj prazan prostor na naslovnoj strani turskih opozicijskih novina "Cumhuriyet". Ovdje su se pojavljivale karikature Muse Karta. Godine 2018., Musa Kart dobio je kaznu zatvora od tri godine. Za što? Za crtanje političkih karikatura u Erdoğanovoj Turskoj. Karikaturisti u Venezueli, Rusiji i Siriji bili su prognani.
Look at this image. It seems so innocent, right? Yet it is so provocative. When he posted this image, Hani Abbas knew it would change his life. It was in 2012, and the Syrians were taking to the streets. Of course, the little red flower is the symbol of the Syrian revolution. So pretty soon, the regime was after him, and he had to flee the country. A good friend of his, cartoonist Akram Raslan, didn't make it out of Syria. He died under torture.
Pogledajte ovu sliku. Čini se tako nevina, zar ne? Ipak, jako je provokativna. Kad je objavio ovu sliku, Hani Abbas znao je da će promijeniti njegov život. Bila je 2012. i Sirijci su izlazili na ulice. Naravno, mali crveni cvijet simbol je sirijske revolucije. Uskoro, režim mu je bio za petama i morao je pobjeći iz zemlje. Njegov dobar prijatelj, karikaturist Akram Raslan, nije uspio izaći iz Sirije. Umro je u mučeništvu.
In the United States of America recently, some of the very top cartoonists, like Nick Anderson and Rob Rogers -- this is a cartoon by Rob --
U Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama nedavno su neki od najboljih karikaturista, poput Nicka Andersona i Roba Rogersa - ovo je Robova karikatura -
[Memorial Day 2018. (on tombstone) Truth. Honor. Rule of Law.]
[Dan sjećanja 2018. - Istina. Čast. Vladavina zakona.]
they lost their positions because their publishers found their work too critical of Trump. And the same happened to Canadian cartoonist Michael de Adder. Hey, maybe we should start worrying. Political cartoons were born with democracy, and they are challenged when freedom is.
izgubili su svoje pozicije jer su njihovi izdavači smatrali da njihov rad previše kritizira Trumpa. Isto se dogodilo kanadskom karikaturistu Michaelu de Adderu. Hej, možda trebamo prestati brinuti. Političke karikature rođene su u demokraciji i imaju probleme kad ih ima i sloboda.
You know, over the years, with the Cartooning for Peace Foundation and other initiatives, Kofi Annan -- this is not well known -- he was the honorary chair of our foundation, the late Kofi Annan, Nobel Peace Laureate. He was a great defender of cartoons. Or, on the board of the Association of American Editorial Cartoonists, we have advocated on behalf of jailed, threatened, fired, exiled cartoonists. But I never saw a case of someone losing his job over a cartoon he didn't do. Well, that happened to me.
Znate, tijekom godina, sa Zakladom karikature za mir i drugim inicijativama, Kofi Annan - ovaj ne tako poznati - imao je počasno mjesto u našoj zakladi, pokojni Kofi Annan, dobitnik Nobelove nagrade. Bio je veliki branitelj karikatura. Ili, u odboru Udruženja američkih uredničkih karikaturista, borili smo se za zatvorene, ugrožene, otpuštene i prognane karikaturiste. Ali nikad nisam vidio slučaj nekoga tko je izgubio posao zbog crteža koji nije napravio. Pa, to se dogodilo meni.
For the last 20 years, I have been with the "International Herald Tribune" and the "New York Times." Then something happened. In April 2019, a cartoon by a famous Portuguese cartoonist, which was first published in a newspaper "El Expresso" in Lisbon, was picked by an editor at the "New York Times" and reprinted in the international editions. This thing blew up. It was denounced as anti-Semitic, triggered widespread outrage, apologies and a lot of damage control by the Times. A month after, my editor told me they were ending political cartoons altogether.
Zadnjih 20 godina, bio sam s časopisima "International Herald Tribune" i "New York Times". Onda se nešto dogodilo. U travnju 2019., karikaturu poznatog portugalskog karikaturista koja je prvi put objavljena u novinama "El Expresso" u Lisabonu, uzeo je urednik "New York Timesa" i objavio je u međunarodnim izdanjima. Ta se stvar razbuktala. Prosuđena je kao antisemitska, što je izazvalo široko zgražanje, isprike i mnogo popravljanja štete od strane Timesa. Mjesec dana kasnije, moj mi je urednik rekao kako ukidaju političke karikature u potpunosti.
So we could, and we should, have a discussion about that cartoon. Some people say it reminds them of the worst anti-Semitic propaganda. Others, including in Israel, say no, it's just a harsh criticism of Trump, who is shown as blindly following the Prime Minister of Israel. I have some issues with this cartoon, but that discussion did not happen at the "New York Times." Under attack, they took the easiest path: in order to not have problems with political cartoons in the future, let's not have any at all.
Tako smo mogli, i trebali, raspraviti o toj karikaturi. Neki ljudi kažu da ih podsjeća na najgoru antisemitsku propagandu. Drugi, uključujući Izrael, kažu da nije, to je samo teška kritika Trumpa, koji je prikazan kao slijepi pratitelj premijera Izraela. Ja imam neke probleme s ovom karikaturom, ali ta se rasprava nije dogodila u "New York Timesu". Pod napadom, krenuli su najlakšim putem: kako bi izbjegli buduće probleme s karikaturama, nemojmo ih uopće imati.
Hey, this is new. Did we just invent preventive self-censorship? I think this is bigger than cartoons. This is about opinion and journalism. This, in the end, is about democracy.
Hej, to je novo. Jesmo li upravo stvorili preventivnu autocenzuru? Smatram da je ovo veće od karikatura. Radi se o mišljenju i novinarstvu. Ovo, na kraju krajeva, je o demokraciji.
We now live in a world where moralistic mobs gather on social media and rise like a storm. The most outraged voices tend to define the conversation, and the angry crowd follows in. These social media mobs, sometimes fueled by interest groups, fall upon newsrooms in an overwhelming blow. They send publishers and editors scrambling for countermeasures. This leaves no room for meaningful discussions. Twitter is a place for fury, not for debate.
Mi sada živimo u svijetu gdje se moralistička rulja skuplja na društvenim mrežama i uzdiže poput oluje. Najbjesniji glasovi uglavnom definiraju razgovor, a ljuta rulja prati. Ta rulja s društvenih mreža, ponekad dodatno potiče interesne grupe, upada u redakciju nadmoćnim udarcem. Oni šalju izdavače i urednike trgajući se za mjere otpora. Ovo ne ostavlja mjesta za smislene rasprave. Twitter je mjesto za bijes, ne debatu.
And you know what? Someone described pretty well our human condition in this noisy age. You know who? Shakespeare, 400 years ago.
I znate što? Netko je dobro opisao naše ljudsko stanje u ovom bučnom dobu. Znate tko? Shakespeare, prije 400 godina.
["(Life is) a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing."]
["(Život je) priča koju idiot priča, puna krika i bijesa, a ne znači ništa."]
This speaks to me. Shakespeare is still very relevant, no? But the world has changed a bit.
Ovo me dotiče. Shakespeare je i dalje relevantan, zar ne? Ali svijet se malo promijenio.
[Too long!]
[Predugo!]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
It's true.
Istina je.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
You know, social media is both a blessing and a curse for cartoons. This is the era of the image, so they get shared, they get viral, but that also makes them a prime target. More than often, the real target behind the cartoon is the media that published it.
Znate, društvene mreže su i blagoslov i prokletstvo za karikature. Ovo je era slika, pa se dijele, postaju viralne, ali to ih čini i primarnom metom. Više no često, prava meta iza karikature jest medij koji ju je objavio.
[Covering Iraq? No, Trump!]
[Čuvate Irak? Ne, Trumpa!]
That relationship between traditional media and social media is a funny one. On one hand, you have the time-consuming process of information, verification, curation. On the other hand, it's an open buffet, frankly, for rumors, opinions, emotions, amplified by algorithms. Even quality newspapers mimic the codes of social networks on their websites. They highlight the 10 most read, the 10 most shared stories. They should put forward the 10 most important stories.
Ta veza između tradicionalnih medija i društvenih mreža je smiješna. S jedne strane, imate dugotrajan proces informacije, verifikacije, opreza. S druge strane, švedski stol, iskreno, glasina, mišljenja, emocija, pojačanih algoritmima. Čak i kvalitetne novine oponašaju kodove društvenih mreža na svojim stranicama. Ističu 10 najčitanijih, 10 najviše dijeljenih priča. Trebali bi u prvi plan staviti 10 najvažnijih priča.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
The media must not be intimidated by social media, and editors should stop being afraid of the angry mob.
Medije ne trebaju plašiti društveni mediji, a urednici bi se trebali prestati plašiti ljute rulje.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
We're not going to put up warnings the way we do on cigarette packs, are we?
Nećemo staviti upozorenja kao što stavljamo na kutije cigareta, zar ne?
[Satire can hurt your feelings]
[Satira može povrijediti tvoje osjećaje]
(Laughter)
(Smijeh)
Come on.
Molim vas.
[Under your burkini you could be hiding a sex bomb]
[Pod svojim burkinijem možeš skrivati seks bombu]
Political cartoons are meant to provoke, just like opinions. But before all, they are meant to be thought-provoking. You feel hurt? Just let it go. You don't like it? Look the other way. Freedom of expression is not incompatible with dialogue and listening to each other. But it is incompatible with intolerance.
Političke karikature trebaju provocirati, kao i mišljenja. Ali prije svega, trebale bi poticati na razmišljanje. Povrijeđeni ste? Pustite to. Ne sviđa vam se? Okrenite glavu. Sloboda izražavanja nije nespojiva s dijalogom i međusobnim slušanjem. Ali nije spojiva s netolerancijom.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
Let us not become our own censors in the name of political correctness. We need to stand up, we need to push back, because if we don't, we will wake up tomorrow in a sanitized world, where any form of satire and political cartooning becomes impossible. Because, when political pressure meets political correctness, freedom of speech perishes.
Nemojmo postati vlastiti cenzori u ime političke korektnosti. Moramo ustati, pružiti otpor, jer ako to ne učinimo, probudit ćemo se sutra u sterilnom svijetu, gdje bilo kakav oblik satire i političkih karikatura postaje nemoguć. Jer, kad se politički pritisak susretne s političkom korektnošću, sloboda govora umire.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)
Do you remember January 2015? With the massacre of journalists and cartoonists at "Charlie Hebdo" in Paris, we discovered the most extreme form of censorship: murder. Remember how it felt.
Sjećate li se siječnja 2015.? S masakrom novinara i karikaturista u redakciji satiričnog tjednika "Charlie Hebdo" u Parizu, otkrili smo najekstremniji oblik cenzure: ubojstvo. Sjetite se osjećaja.
[Without humor we are all dead]
[Bez humora svi smo mrtvi]
Whatever one thought of that satirical magazine, however one felt about those particular cartoons, we all sensed that something fundamental was at stake, that citizens of free societies -- actually, citizens of any society -- need humor as much as the air we breathe. This is why the extremists, the dictators, the autocrats and, frankly, all the ideologues of the world cannot stand humor.
Što god netko mislio o satiričnom časopisu, kako god se netko osjećao u vezi određenih karikatura, svi smo osjetili da je u pitanju nešto temeljno, da građani slobodnog društva - zapravo, građani bilo kojeg društva - trebaju humor koliko i zrak koji dišemo. Ovo je zašto ekstremisti, diktatori, autokrati i, iskreno, svi ideolozi svijeta, ne mogu podnijeti humor.
In the insane world we live in right now, we need political cartoons more than ever. And we need humor.
U ludom svijetu u kojem sad živimo, trebamo političke karikature više no ikad. I trebamo humor.
Thank you.
Hvala vam.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)