There's a poem written by a very famous English poet at the end of the 19th century. It was said to echo in Churchill's brain in the 1930s. And the poem goes: "On the idle hill of summer, lazy with the flow of streams, hark I hear a distant drummer, drumming like a sound in dreams, far and near and low and louder on the roads of earth go by, dear to friend and food to powder, soldiers marching, soon to die." Those who are interested in poetry, the poem is "A Shropshire Lad" written by A.E. Housman.
Eshte nje e poem e shkruar nga nje poet i famshem anglez ne fund te shekullit 19. U tha për të jehuar në trurin e Churchillit ne 1930. Dhe poema thote: " Në kodrën e qete të verës, zvarritur me rrjedhen e lumenjeve, sërish unë dëgjoj një daullexhi të largët gumezhin si nje tingull ne enderra, larg dhe afer dhe ulte dhe lart ne rruget e tokes i dashur per shoke dhe ushqim per pluhur ushtaret marshojne, se shpejti per te vdekur." Ata qe jane te interesur ne poezi poema eshte " A Shropshire Lad" e shkruar nga A.E Housman.
But what Housman understood, and you hear it in the symphonies of Nielsen too, was that the long, hot, silvan summers of stability of the 19th century were coming to a close, and that we were about to move into one of those terrifying periods of history when power changes. And these are always periods, ladies and gentlemen, accompanied by turbulence, and all too often by blood.
Por cka kuptoj Housman, dhe ju e degjoni ate ne simfonite e Nielsen gjithashtu, ishte vere e gjate, e nxehte e stabilitetit te shekullit te 19 ne jemi duke u afruar shume, dhe ne ishim gati per te levizur ne ato faza tmerruese te historise ku pushteti ndryshon. Dhe keto jane gjithmone faza, zonja dhe zotrinj, te percjellura nga turbullirat, dhe shume shpesh me gjak.
And my message for you is that I believe we are condemned, if you like, to live at just one of those moments in history when the gimbals upon which the established order of power is beginning to change and the new look of the world, the new powers that exist in the world, are beginning to take form. And these are -- and we see it very clearly today -- nearly always highly turbulent times, highly difficult times, and all too often very bloody times. By the way, it happens about once every century.
Dhe mesazhi im per ju eshte se une besoj ne jemi te denuar, për të jetuar vetëm ne një nga ato momente në histori ku pajisjet qe mbajne gjera ne pozicion me te cilat zhvillimi i rregullt i pushtetit eshte duke filluar te ndryshoje dhe pamja e re e botes, pushtetet te reja qe ekzistojne ne bote, jane duke filluar te marrin forme. Dhe keto jane--e shohim ate shume qarte sot-- gati cdo here kohera shume te trubullta, shume te veshtira, dhe shume shpesh kohera te pergjakshme. Me qe ra fjala, ndodh rreth nje here ne cdo shekull.
You might argue that the last time it happened -- and that's what Housman felt coming and what Churchill felt too -- was that when power passed from the old nations, the old powers of Europe, across the Atlantic to the new emerging power of the United States of America -- the beginning of the American century. And of course, into the vacuum where the too-old European powers used to be were played the two bloody catastrophes of the last century -- the one in the first part and the one in the second part: the two great World Wars. Mao Zedong used to refer to them as the European civil wars, and it's probably a more accurate way of describing them.
Ju mund te argumentoni se heren e fundit ka ndodhur-- dhe kjo eshte cka ndjeu Housman dhe cka ndjeu Churchill gjithashtu-- ishte kjo kur pushteti kaloj nga kombet e vjetra, fuqite e vjetra te Europes permes Atlantikut me pushtetin e ri zhvillues te Shteteve te Bashkuara te Amerikes-- fillimi i shekullit amerikan. Dhe sigurisht, ne vakum ku fuqite e vjetra europiane ishin ne veprim ne dy katastofat e pergjakshme te shekullit te fundit-- njera ne pjesen e pare dhe tjetra ne pjesen e dyte: dy Lufterat e medha Boterore. Mao Cedun u referohej atyre si luftera europiane, dhe ndoshta eshte menyre me e sigurte e pershkrimit te tyre.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, we live at one of those times. But for us, I want to talk about three factors today. And the first of these, the first two of these, is about a shift in power. And the second is about some new dimension which I want to refer to, which has never quite happened in the way it's happening now. But let's talk about the shifts of power that are occurring to the world. And what is happening today is, in one sense, frightening because it's never happened before. We have seen lateral shifts of power -- the power of Greece passed to Rome and the power shifts that occurred during the European civilizations -- but we are seeing something slightly different. For power is not just moving laterally from nation to nation. It's also moving vertically.
Mire, zonja dhe zotrinj, ne jetojme e njeren prej ketyre koherave. Por per neve, dua te flas sot per tre faktore. Dhe i pari nga keta, dy te paret nga keta. eshte rreth ndryshimit te pushtetit. Dhe e dyta eshte per disa dimenzione te reja ne cilat do te referohesha, qe nuk ka ndodhur ne menyre se si eshte duke ndodhur tani. Por le te flasim per ndryshimet te pushteteve qe jane duke i ndodhur botes. Dhe cka eshte duke ndodhur sot eshte ne njefare menyre, frikesuese sepse nuk ka ndodhur kurre me pare. Ne kemi parë ndryshime anësore të pushtetit - pushteti i Greqise kaloi te Roma dhe ndryshimet e pushteve qe ndodhen gjate civilizimit europian-- por ne jemi duke pare dicka jo shume ndryshe. Për pushtet nuk është vetëm qe te leviz anash prej nje shteti ne tjettrin. Gjithashtu edhte duke levizur vertikalisht.
What's happening today is that the power that was encased, held to accountability, held to the rule of law, within the institution of the nation state has now migrated in very large measure onto the global stage. The globalization of power -- we talk about the globalization of markets, but actually it's the globalization of real power. And where, at the nation state level that power is held to accountability subject to the rule of law, on the international stage it is not. The international stage and the global stage where power now resides: the power of the Internet, the power of the satellite broadcasters, the power of the money changers -- this vast money-go-round that circulates now 32 times the amount of money necessary for the trade it's supposed to be there to finance -- the money changers, if you like, the financial speculators that have brought us all to our knees quite recently, the power of the multinational corporations now developing budgets often bigger than medium-sized countries. These live in a global space which is largely unregulated, not subject to the rule of law, and in which people may act free of constraint.
Cka eshte duke ndodhur sot eshte se pushteti qe ishte mbeshtjelle, qe eshte mbajtur me pergjegjesi, mbajtur me sundim te ligjit brenda institucioneve te kombit te shtetit tani ka emigruar në masë shumë të madhe në fazë globale. Globalizimi i pushtetit-- ne flasim per globalizimin e tregjeve, por faktikisht eshte globalizimi i pushtetit te vertete. Dhe ku, ne nivel te shtetit kombetar ai pushtet eshte mbajtur nga pergjegjesia subjekt i sundimit të ligjit, ne shkallen nderkombtare nuk eshte. Shkalla nderkombetare dhe ajo globale ku pushteti tani rri: fuqinë e internetit, fuqia e transmetuesve satelitore, fuqinë e këmbyesve të parave - keto para te pa fundme sillen per rreth qe tani qarkullonjne 32 here ne shumen e nevojshme te parase per tregtine supozohet te financohet kembyesit e parave, nese keni deshire, afaristet finaciar qe na kane sjell ne gjunje se fundi, fuqia e korporatave multinacionale tani duke zhvilluar buxhetet shpesh vendet e medha me shume sesa ato me madhesi te mesme. Keta jetojne ne hapersire globale e cila eshte kryesisht e parregulluar, nuk i nënshtrohen sundimit të ligjit, dhe në të cilën njerëzit mund të veprojë pa detyrim.
Now that suits the powerful up to a moment. It's always suitable for those who have the most power to operate in spaces without constraint, but the lesson of history is that, sooner or later, unregulated space -- space not subject to the rule of law -- becomes populated, not just by the things you wanted -- international trade, the Internet, etc. -- but also by the things you don't want -- international criminality, international terrorism. The revelation of 9/11 is that even if you are the most powerful nation on earth, nevertheless, those who inhabit that space can attack you even in your most iconic of cities one bright September morning. It's said that something like 60 percent of the four million dollars that was taken to fund 9/11 actually passed through the institutions of the Twin Towers which 9/11 destroyed. You see, our enemies also use this space -- the space of mass travel, the Internet, satellite broadcasters -- to be able to get around their poison, which is about destroying our systems and our ways.
Tani kjo i pershtatet momentit te fuqishem. Gjithmone eshte e pershtatshme per ata te cilet kane fuqine me te madhe për të operuar në hapësirat pa kufizim, por mesimi i historise eshte se, heret ose vone, hapersira e pa rregulluar-- hapesira qe nuk i nenshtrohet sundimit te ligjit-- bëhet e populluar jo vetëm nga gjërat që ju kërkuat-- tregtia nderkombtare, interneti, etj-- por gjithashtu nga gjerat qe ju nuk i deshironi-- kriminaliteti nderkombtar, terrorizmi nderkombtar. Shpallja e 9/11 eshte se edhe nese ju jeni shteti me i fuqishem ne toke, megjithate, ata që banojnë në këtë hapësirë mund të ju sulmojnë edhe ne qytetet me te kryesore, nje mengjes te kthjellte Shtatori. Thuhet se 60 perqind e kater milion dollareve qe u perdoren per te financuar 9/11 faktikisht kaluan nepermejt institucionit te Kullave Binjake te cilen 9/11 e shkatrroi. E shihni, armiqte tane gjithashtu perdoren kete hapesire-- hapësirën e udhëtimit masiv, internetit, transmetuesit satelitor - te jene ne gjendje te marrin me vete helmin e tyre, i cili eshte per shaktrrimin e sistemeve tona dhe menyrave tona.
Sooner or later, sooner or later, the rule of history is that where power goes governance must follow. And if it is therefore the case, as I believe it is, that one of the phenomenon of our time is the globalization of power, then it follows that one of the challenges of our time is to bring governance to the global space. And I believe that the decades ahead of us now will be to a greater or lesser extent turbulent the more or less we are able to achieve that aim: to bring governance to the global space.
Heret ose vone, heret ose vone, parimi i historise eshte se ku pushteti shkon qeverisja duhet te ndjek. Dhe nese ky eshte rasti, pasi une besoj se eshte, njeri nder fenomenet e kohes tone eshte globalizimi i pushtetit, atëherë ai vijon se një nga sfidat e kohës sonë eshte te sjellim qeverisjen ne hapsiren globale. Dhe une besoj se dekadat para neve tani do te jene trazira ne nje shkalle me te madhe ose me te vogel me shume ose me pak ne jemi ne gjendje te mbrrijme ate qellim: per te djelle qeverisjen ne hapsirren globale.
Now notice, I'm not talking about government. I'm not talking about setting up some global democratic institution. My own view, by the way, ladies and gentlemen, is that this is unlikely to be done by spawning more U.N. institutions. If we didn't have the U.N., we'd have to invent it. The world needs an international forum. It needs a means by which you can legitimize international action. But when it comes to governance of the global space, my guess is this won't happen through the creation of more U.N. institutions. It will actually happen by the powerful coming together and making treaty-based systems, treaty-based agreements, to govern that global space.
Tani vreni, une nuk jame duke folur per qeverine. Une nuk jam duke folur per vendosjen e disa institucioneve demokratike globale. Opinioni im, meqe ra fjala, zonja dhe zoteri, është se kjo nuk ka gjasa për t'u bërë duke hedhut veze me shume ne institucionet U.N. Nese ne nuk e kishim pasur U.N, ne do te duhet te shpikim ate. Bota ka nevoje per nje forum internacional. Ajo ka nevojë për një mjet me të cilën ju mund të legjitimoni veprimet ndërkombëtare. Por kur vije tek qeverisja e hapsires globale, supozimi im eshte kjo nuk do te ndodh nepermjet krimit te me shume institucioneve U.N. Faktikisht do te ndodh nga pushteti dhe duke bere traktat te bazuar ne sisteme, marrveshje bazuar ne traktat, per te qeverisur ate hapesire globale.
And if you look, you can see them happening, already beginning to emerge. The World Trade Organization: treaty-based organization, entirely treaty-based, and yet, powerful enough to hold even the most powerful, the United States, to account if necessary. Kyoto: the beginnings of struggling to create a treaty-based organization. The G20: we know now that we have to put together an institution which is capable of bringing governance to that financial space for financial speculation. And that's what the G20 is, a treaty-based institution.
Dhe në qoftë se ju shikoni, ju mund të shihni ato te ndodhin, duke filluar të shfaqen tashmë. Organizata e Tregtise Boterore: traktat bazuar neorganizate, krejtsisht traktat bazuar ne marreveshje, dhe ende, mjaft e fuqishëme për të mbajtur edhe më të fuqishme, Shtetet e Bashkuara per te llogaritut nese eshte e nevojshme. Kyoto: fillimet e luftimit per te krijuar nje traktat bazur ne organizate. G20: ne dime tani se ne duhet te vendosim se bashku nje institucion i cili eshte ne gjendje te sjell qeverisje hapsires financiare per spekulime financiare. Dhe kjo eshte cka G20 eshte, nje traktat bazur ne instiucione
Now there's a problem there, and we'll come back to it in a minute, which is that if you bring the most powerful together to make the rules in treaty-based institutions, to fill that governance space, then what happens to the weak who are left out? And that's a big problem, and we'll return to it in just a second.
Tani eshte nje problem aty, dhe ne do te kthehemi perseri per nje minute, gje qe eshte nese ju sjellni me te fuqishmit se bashku per te bere rregullat ne traktate te bazuar ne institucione, per te mbushur ate hapesire te qeverisjes, pastaj cka i ndodh te dobetve te cilet jane lene jashte? Dhe ky eshte nje problem i madh, dhe ne do te kthehemi aty ne nje sekonde.
So there's my first message, that if you are to pass through these turbulent times more or less turbulently, then our success in doing that will in large measure depend on our capacity to bring sensible governance to the global space. And watch that beginning to happen. My second point is, and I know I don't have to talk to an audience like this about such a thing, but power is not just shifting vertically, it's also shifting horizontally.
Keshtu, ja ku eshte mesazhi im i pare, qe nese jeni duke kaluar nepermjet ketyre koherave te trazuara me shume ose me pak trazueze pastaj suksesi yne ne berjen e saj në masë të madhe do të varet nga kapacitetet tona per te sjelle qeverisje te arsyeshme te hapsires globale. Dhe shikoni ate duke filluar te ndodhe. Qellimi im i dyte eshte, dhe une e di une nuk duhet te flas per nje audience sikur kjo per nje gje te tille, por pushtetit nuk eshte vetem tek zhvendosja vertikale, gjithashtu eshte zhvendosje horizontale.
You might argue that the story, the history of civilizations, has been civilizations gathered around seas -- with the first ones around the Mediterranean, the more recent ones in the ascendents of Western power around the Atlantic. Well it seems to me that we're now seeing a fundamental shift of power, broadly speaking, away from nations gathered around the Atlantic [seaboard] to the nations gathered around the Pacific rim. Now that begins with economic power, but that's the way it always begins. You already begin to see the development of foreign policies, the augmentation of military budgets occurring in the other growing powers in the world. I think actually this is not so much a shift from the West to the East; something different is happening.
Ju mund te argumentoni se historia, historia e civilizimit, ka civilizime te mbledhura rreth detrave-- me ato te parat rreth Mesdheut, ato më të fundit me prejardhje nga fuqia perëndimore rreth Atlantikut. Mire me duket mua se ne jemi duke pare nje zhvendosje rrenjesore e fuqise, larg nga kombet te mbledhura rreth Atlantikut tek kombet e mbledhura rreth Pacifikut. Tani kjo fillon me fuqi ekonomike, por kjo eshte menyra qe cdo here fillon. Ju tashmë filluat të shihni zhvillimin e politikave të huaja, rritja e buxheteve ushtarake ndodh ne fuqi tjera te botes. Ne fakt un mendoj nuk eshte edhe aq zhvendosje nga Perendimi ne Lindje; dicka ndryshe eshte duke ndodhur.
My guess is, for what it's worth, is that the United States will remain the most powerful nation on earth for the next 10 years, 15, but the context in which she holds her power has now radically altered; it has radically changed. We are coming out of 50 years, most unusual years, of history in which we have had a totally mono-polar world, in which every compass needle for or against has to be referenced by its position to Washington -- a world bestrode by a single colossus. But that's not a usual case in history. In fact, what's now emerging is the much more normal case of history. You're beginning to see the emergence of a multi-polar world.
Mendimi im eshte se Shtetet e Bashkuara do te mbesin kombi me i fuqishem ne rruzullin tokesor per 10, 15 vitet e ardhshme, por konteksti ne te cilen ajo e mban pushtetin tani ka ndryshuar rrënjësisht, ajo ka ndryshuar rrënjësisht. Ne jemi duke ardhur tek vitet e 50-ta, vitet me jo te zakonshme te historise ne te cilen ne kemi pasur nje bote mono-polare, ne te cilen cdo gjilpere e busulles per apo kunder duhet të referohej nga pozicioni i saj në Uashington - një botë të shkatërruar nga një kolos i vetëm. Por ky nuk eshte rast i zakonshem ne histori. Ne fakt, cka eshte duke u shfaqur tani eshte rast shume me normal i historise. Ju keni filluar te shihni shfaqjen e botes multipolare.
Up until now, the United States has been the dominant feature of our world. They will remain the most powerful nation, but they will be the most powerful nation in an increasingly multi-polar world. And you begin to see the alternative centers of power building up -- in China, of course, though my own guess is that China's ascent to greatness is not smooth. It's going to be quite grumpy as China begins to democratize her society after liberalizing her economy. But that's a subject of a different discussion. You see India, you see Brazil. You see increasingly that the world now looks actually, for us Europeans, much more like Europe in the 19th century.
Deri me tani, Shtetet e Bashkuara ka qene tipar dominues i botes tone. Ata do te mbesin kombi me i fuqishem, por ata do te jene kombi me i fuqishem ne nje bote gjithnje e me multipolare. Dhe ju filloni te shihni qendrat alternative të pushtetit ndërtimues- ne Kine, sigurisht, edhe pse mendimi im eshte se ngjitja e Kines ne lartesi nuk eshte e lehte. Do te jete mjaft i ashper pasiqe Kina fillon te demokratizoje shoqerine e saj pas liberalizimit te ekonomise se saj Por kjo eshte nje teme e nje diskutimi tjeter. Ju e shihnin Indine, ju e shihni Brazilin. Ju e shihni gjithnje e me shume se bota tani faktikisht per ne Europianet duket shume me shume sikur Europa ne shekullin e 19.
Europe in the 19th century: a great British foreign secretary, Lord Canning, used to describe it as the "European concert of powers." There was a balance, a five-sided balance. Britain always played to the balance. If Paris got together with Berlin, Britain got together with Vienna and Rome to provide a counterbalance. Now notice, in a period which is dominated by a mono-polar world, you have fixed alliances -- NATO, the Warsaw Pact. A fixed polarity of power means fixed alliances. But a multiple polarity of power means shifting and changing alliances. And that's the world we're coming into, in which we will increasingly see that our alliances are not fixed. Canning, the great British foreign secretary once said, "Britain has a common interest, but no common allies." And we will see increasingly that even we in the West will reach out, have to reach out, beyond the cozy circle of the Atlantic powers to make alliances with others if we want to get things done in the world.
Europa ne shekullin e 19: nje sekretar i jashtem Britanik, Lordi Canning, e pershkruante ate si " Koncerti Europian i Fuqive." Ishte nje bilanc, nje bilanc pese-anesh. Britania gjithmone ka luajtur me bilancin Nese Parisi bashkohej me Berlinin, Britania bashkohej me Vienen dhe Romen per te siguruar balancim. Tani vereni, ne nje periudhe e cila eshte e dominuar nga bota mono-polare, ju keni rregullar aleatet-- NATO, Pakti i Varshaves. Një polarizim i caktuar i pushtetit do te thote aleanca te caktuara. Por nje polarizim i shumfishte i pushtetit do te thote zhvendosje dhe ndryshim i aleateve. Dhe kjo eshte bota qe jemi duke hyre, ne te cilen ne do te shohim gjithnje e me shume qe aleatet tone nuk jane te caktuar. Canning, sekretary i jashtem Britanik nje here tha, " Britania ka nje interes te perbashket, po jo aleat te perbashket." Dhe ne do te shohim gjithnje e me shume se madje ne ne Perendim do te mbrrim, duhet te mbrrim, përtej rrethit rehatshëm e fuqive të Atlantikut te bejme aleance me te tjeret nese duam te perfundojme gjerat ne bote.
Note, that when we went into Libya, it was not good enough for the West to do it alone; we had to bring others in. We had to bring, in this case, the Arab League in. My guess is Iraq and Afghanistan are the last times when the West has tried to do it themselves, and we haven't succeeded. My guess is that we're reaching the beginning of the end of 400 years -- I say 400 years because it's the end of the Ottoman Empire -- of the hegemony of Western power, Western institutions and Western values. You know, up until now, if the West got its act together, it could propose and dispose in every corner of the world. But that's no longer true. Take the last financial crisis after the Second World War. The West got together -- the Bretton Woods Institution, World Bank, International Monetary Fund -- the problem solved. Now we have to call in others. Now we have to create the G20. Now we have to reach beyond the cozy circle of our Western friends.
Permend se kur ne shkuam ne Libi, kjo nuk ishte aq e mirë për Perëndimin për të bërë atë vetëm; ne u desht qe te sjellin te tjere. Ne u desht te sjellin ne kete rast, Shoqaten Arabe. Mendimi im eshte Iraku dhe Afganistani koheve te fundit kur Perendimi ka provuar ta beje ate vetem, dhe ne nuk kemi patur sukses. Mendimi im eshte se ne jemi duke arritur fillimin e fundit te 400 viteve-- E them 400 vjet, sepse ky është fundi i Perandorisë Osmane - te dominimit te pushtetit Perendimor, institucioneve Perendimore dhe vlerave Perendimore. E dini, deri me sot, nese Perendimi i beri akcionet se bashku, mund te propozoje dhe rregulloj ne cdo qosh te botes. Por kjo nuk eshte me e vertete. Shikoni krizat e fundit finaciare pas Luftes se Dyte Boterore. Perendimi u bashkua-- Institucioni Bretton Woods, Banka Botërore, Fondi Monetar Ndërkombëtar - problemi u zgjidh. Tani ne duhet te therrasim te tjeret. Tani duhet te krijojme G20. Tani ne duhet te arrijme pertej rrethit te rehatshem te shokeve tane Perendimor.
Let me make a prediction for you, which is probably even more startling. I suspect we are now reaching the end of 400 years when Western power was enough. People say to me, "The Chinese, of course, they'll never get themselves involved in peace-making, multilateral peace-making around the world." Oh yes? Why not? How many Chinese troops are serving under the blue beret, serving under the blue flag, serving under the U.N. command in the world today? 3,700. How many Americans? 11. What is the largest naval contingent tackling the issue of Somali pirates? The Chinese naval contingent. Of course they are, they are a mercantilist nation. They want to keep the sea lanes open. Increasingly, we are going to have to do business with people with whom we do not share values, but with whom, for the moment, we share common interests. It's a whole new different way of looking at the world that is now emerging.
Me lejoni te bej nje parashikim per ju, i cili ndoshta eshte madje me befasues. Une dyshoj se ne jemi duke arritur fundin e 400 viteve kur pushteti Perendimor ishte i mjaftushem. Njerezit me thone mua, " Kinezet, sigurisht, ata kurre nuk do te fusin veten e tyre ne krijimin e paqes, krijimin e paqes shumepaleshe perreth botes." Oh po? Pse jo? Sa trupa Kineze sherbejne nen bereten e kalter, duke sherbyer nen flamurin e kalter duke sherbyer nen komanden e U.N. ne boten sot? 3.700. Sa Amerikan? 11. Cili është kontigjenti më i madh detar qe trajton ceshtjen e pirateve Somalez? Kontingjenti detar Kinez. Sigurisht ata jane komb merkantiliste. Ata deshirojne te mbajne linjat e detit te hapura. Gjithnje e me shume, ne do te kemi pune me njerez me te cilet ne nuk ndajme vlera, por me ke, per momentin, ne ndajme interesa te perbashketa. Eshte nje menyre krejtsisht e re e te shikuarit boten qe tani eshte duke u shfaqur.
And here's the third factor, which is totally different. Today in our modern world, because of the Internet, because of the kinds of things people have been talking about here, everything is connected to everything. We are now interdependent. We are now interlocked, as nations, as individuals, in a way which has never been the case before, never been the case before. The interrelationship of nations, well it's always existed. Diplomacy is about managing the interrelationship of nations. But now we are intimately locked together. You get swine flu in Mexico, it's a problem for Charles de Gaulle Airport 24 hours later. Lehman Brothers goes down, the whole lot collapses. There are fires in the steppes of Russia, food riots in Africa.
Dhe ja ku eshte faktori i trete, i cili eshte krejtsisht ndryshe. Sot ne boten tone moderne, per shkak te internetit. për shkak të llojeve të gjërave që njerëzit kanë folur këtu gjithcka eshte e lidhur me gjithcka. Ne tani jemi te ndervarur. Ne tani jemi te kombinuar, si kombe, si individ në një mënyrë që nuk ka ndodhur më parë, kurre nuk ka ndodhur me pare. Raporti reciprok i kombeve, gjithmone ka ekzistuar. Diplomacia eshte rreth menaxhimit te raportit reciprok te kombeve. Por tani ne jemi lidhur ngushte sebashku. Ju merrni gripin e derrit ne Meksike, eshte problem i aeroportit Charles de Gaulle 24 ore me vone. Lehman Brothers bije poshte. Ka zjarre ne stepa te Rusise, trazira te ushqimit ne Afrike.
We are all now deeply, deeply, deeply interconnected. And what that means is the idea of a nation state acting alone, not connected with others, not working with others, is no longer a viable proposition. Because the actions of a nation state are neither confined to itself, nor is it sufficient for the nation state itself to control its own territory, because the effects outside the nation state are now beginning to affect what happens inside them.
Te gjithe ne tani jemi, thellesisht, thellesisht te lidhur. Dhe cka do te thote kjo eshte idea e nje kombi shtetror qe vepron vetem jo i lidhur me te tjeret, duke mos punuar me te tjeret, nuk është më një propozim praktik. Sepse veprimet e nje kombi shtetror s'jane te mbylluara as per vetveten, as nuk është i mjaftueshëm për kombin shteteror per te kontrolluar territorin e vet sepse efektet jashte kombit shteteror tani janë duke filluar të ndikojnë në atë që ndodh brenda tyre.
I was a young soldier in the last of the small empire wars of Britain. At that time, the defense of my country was about one thing and one thing only: how strong was our army, how strong was our air force, how strong was our navy and how strong were our allies. That was when the enemy was outside the walls. Now the enemy is inside the walls. Now if I want to talk about the defense of my country, I have to speak to the Minister of Health because pandemic disease is a threat to my security, I have to speak to the Minister of Agriculture because food security is a threat to my security, I have to speak to the Minister of Industry because the fragility of our hi-tech infrastructure is now a point of attack for our enemies -- as we see from cyber warfare -- I have to speak to the Minister of Home Affairs because who has entered my country, who lives in that terraced house in that inner city has a direct effect on what happens in my country -- as we in London saw in the 7/7 bombings. It's no longer the case that the security of a country is simply a matter for its soldiers and its ministry of defense. It's its capacity to lock together its institutions.
Une isha nje ushtar i ri ne luftërat e fundit ne perandorinë e Britanisë. Ne gjithen ate kohe, mbrojta e vendit tim ishte per nje gje dhe vetem per nje gje: sa e forte ishte ushtria jone, sa e forte ishte forca e jone ajore, sa e forte ishte marina jone dhe sa te forte ishin aleatet tone. Kjo ishte kur armiqte ishin jashte mureve. Tani armiku eshte mbrenda mureve. Tani nese une dua te flas per mbrojtjen e vendit tim, Une duhet te flas me Ministërin e Shendetesise sepse semundja pandemike eshte nje kercenim per sigurine time, Une duhet te flas me Ministërin e Bujqesise sepse siguria e ushqimit eshte nje kercenim per sigurine time, Une duhet te flas me Ministërin e Industrise sepse dobesia e infrastuktures është tani një pikë e sulmit të armiqve tanë - sic ne shohim nga betejat e rrjetit komjuterik-- Une duhet te flas me Ministrin e Puneve te Mbrendshme sepse kush ka hyn ne vendin tim, qe jeton në atë shtëpi me tarace në atë qytet ka nje ndikim direkt se cka ndodh ne vendin tim-- meqe jetojme ne Londer pash 7/7 bombardime. Nuk eshte akoma situata qe siguria e nje vendi eshte thjeshte nje ceshtje per ushtaret e saj dhe per ministrine e mbrojtjes Eshte kapaciteti i saj per te lidhur se bashku institucionet.
And this tells you something very important. It tells you that, in fact, our governments, vertically constructed, constructed on the economic model of the Industrial Revolution -- vertical hierarchy, specialization of tasks, command structures -- have got the wrong structures completely. You in business know that the paradigm structure of our time, ladies and gentlemen, is the network. It's your capacity to network that matters, both within your governments and externally.
Dhe kjo ju tregon diçka shumë te rëndësishme. Ju tregon se, ne fakt qeverite tona, te ndertuara vertikalisht, ndërtuan në modelin ekonomik të revolucionit industrial - hierarki vertikale, specializimin e detyrave, sturkturen e komandes-- i kane strukturat e gabuara krejtsisht. Ju ne biznes e dini se struktura shembull e kohes tone, zonja dhe zoteri, eshte rrjeti. Eshte kapaciteti i juaj i rrjetit qe ka rendesi, si brenda qeverive tuaja dhe jashtë.
So here is Ashdown's third law. By the way, don't ask me about Ashdown's first law and second law because I haven't invented those yet; it always sounds better if there's a third law, doesn't it? Ashdown's third law is that in the modern age, where everything is connected to everything, the most important thing about what you can do is what you can do with others. The most important bit about your structure -- whether you're a government, whether you're an army regiment, whether you're a business -- is your docking points, your interconnectors, your capacity to network with others. You understand that in industry; governments don't.
Pra ja ku eshte ligji i trete i Ashdown. Meqe ra fjala, mos me pyesni per ligjin e pare e dyte te Ashdown sepse nuk i kam shpikur ato tanime; gjithmonë tingëllon më mirë në qoftë se ka një ligj të tretë, apo jo? Ligji i trete i Ashdown eshte se ne kohen moderne, ku gjithcka eshte e lidhur me gjithcka, gjeja me e rendesishme se cka mund te beni eshte cka mund te beni me te jeret. Pjesa me e rendesishme per strukturen tuaj-- nëse ju jeni një qeveri, nëse ju jeni një regjiment ushtrie, nese ju jeni nje biznes-- jane pikat e lidhjes suaj, interkonektoret tuaj, kapaciteti juaj te lidhen me te tjeret. Ju e kuptoni se ne industri; qeverite nuk e bejne.
But now one final thing. If it is the case, ladies and gentlemen -- and it is -- that we are now locked together in a way that has never been quite the same before, then it's also the case that we share a destiny with each other. Suddenly and for the very first time, collective defense, the thing that has dominated us as the concept of securing our nations, is no longer enough. It used to be the case that if my tribe was more powerful than their tribe, I was safe; if my country was more powerful than their country, I was safe; my alliance, like NATO, was more powerful than their alliance, I was safe. It is no longer the case. The advent of the interconnectedness and of the weapons of mass destruction means that, increasingly, I share a destiny with my enemy.
Por tani nje gje te fundit. Nese eshte situata, zonja dhe zotrinjë--- qe ne jemi te lidhur bashke ne nje menyre qe kurre nuk ka qene njejte si me pare, pastaj gjithashtu eshte rasti se ne ndajme fatin me njeri tjetrin. Papritmas dhe per here te pare, mbrojta kolektive, gjeja qe ka dominuar tek ne meqe koncepti i sigurimit të kombeve tona, nuk eshte e mjaftueshme. Ka qene rasti se në qoftë se fisi ime ishte më e fuqishem se fisi i tyre, unë isha i sigurt; nese vendi im ishte me i fuqishem sesa vendi i tyre, une isha i sigurt; aleanca ime, si NATO, ishte me i fuqishem sesa alenaca e tyre, une isha i sigurt. Nuk eshte ende rasti. Ardhja e nderlidhshmerise dhe e armeve te shkarrimit te mases do te thote se, gjithnje e me shume une ndaj nje fat me armiqte e mi.
When I was a diplomat negotiating the disarmament treaties with the Soviet Union in Geneva in the 1970s, we succeeded because we understood we shared a destiny with them. Collective security is not enough. Peace has come to Northern Ireland because both sides realized that the zero-sum game couldn't work. They shared a destiny with their enemies. One of the great barriers to peace in the Middle East is that both sides, both Israel and, I think, the Palestinians, do not understand that they share a collective destiny. And so suddenly, ladies and gentlemen, what has been the proposition of visionaries and poets down the ages becomes something we have to take seriously as a matter of public policy.
Ku isha diplomat duke negociuar traktatet te çarmatimit me Bashkimin Sovjetik ne Gjeneve ne 1970, ne patem sukses sespse ne kuptuam qe ndame nje fat me ata. Siguria kolektive nuk eshte e mjaftushme. Paqja ka ardhur ne Irlanden Veriore sepse te dy palet kuptuan se loja e shumatores zero nuk punonte. Ata ndane nje fat me armiqte e tyre. Nje nder barierat me te medha te paqes ne Lindjen e Mesme eshte se te dy anet, Izraeli dhe, une mendoj, Palestinezet nuk kuptojne se ata ndajne nje fat kolektiv. Dhe paparitmas, zonja dhe zoteri, cili ka qene propozimi i vizionareve dhe poetve ne kohera sepse dicka duhet te marrim seriozisht si një çështje të politikave publike.
I started with a poem, I'll end with one. The great poem of John Donne's. "Send not for whom the bell tolls." The poem is called "No Man is an Island." And it goes: "Every man's death affected me, for I am involved in mankind, send not to ask for whom the bell tolls, it tolls for thee." For John Donne, a recommendation of morality. For us, I think, part of the equation for our survival.
Une fillova me nje poemë, Une do te perfundoj me nje. Poema e madhe e John Donne ' Mos pyet per ke bien kembanat." Poema quhet " Asnje njeri s'eshte ishull." Dhe thote: " Cdo vdekje e njerezve me ka prekur mua, sepse unë jam i përfshirë në njerëzim, dergo per te mos pyetur per ke bien kembanat, bien per ate." Per John Donne, nje rekomandim i moralitetit. Per neve, mendoj, pjesë e ekuacionit për mbijetesën tonë.
Thank you very much.
Faleminderit shume.
(Applause)
(Duartrokitje)