The internet as you know it it is under attack and it's more fragile than you might think.
Internet kakav znate je pod napadom i krhkiji je nego što biste pomislili.
(Dial-up sounds)
(Dajalap zvuci)
In the earlier, nerdier, screechier days of the net the possibilities seemed endless. "Information wants to be free," said the Web 1.0 pioneers. They envisioned a free internet where countless independent nodes would sustain a worldwide system of instant communication, entirely decentralized and therefore immune to central control or sabotage.
U ranijim, krelastijim, škripavijim danima neta činilo se da su mogućnosti neograničene. „Informacija želi da bude slobodna”, rekoše pioniri Veba 1.0. Zamislili su slobodan internet gde bi bezbroj nezavisnih čvorišta održavalo globalni sistem instant komunikacije, u potpunosti decentralizovan i samim tim imun na centralnu kontrolu ili sabotažu.
Cut to today, and ehh, I think they got it about half right. So much for independent, it now seems like the internet and its infrastructure are owned by the same three American dudes. In a world of mega-platforms, attention-sapping algorithms and mass surveillance, we aren't wondering if information is free, we're wondering if we are.
Preskočimo do danas i eh, mislim da su oko pola toga pogodili. Nezavisnost je tek tolika, trenutno se čini da internet i njegovu infrastrukturu poseduju ista tri lika iz Amerike. U svetu megaplatformi, algoritama za hvatanje pažnje i masovnog nadzora, ne pitamo se da li su informacije slobodne, pitamo se jesmo li mi slobodni.
Now with all the doom and gloom aside, I should say I love the internet. It's where I spend most of my time. The best thing about my pandemic has been watching the rest of you get reduced to my level.
Sad, na stranu sav pesimizam, moram da kažem da ja volim internet. Tamo provodim najviše vremena. Najbolja stvar kod pandemije je bila posmatranje svih vas kako se srozavate na moj nivo.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
It's accelerated the digital world's invasion of the material one. That meeting that could have been an email is now an email. Malls are being shut by search bars. Fortnite tournaments are filling national stadiums and JPEGs are selling for the price of a da Vinci. Whatever happens next, we're all going to be spending more time online. So how do we protect what makes it great and change what makes it terrifying?
Ubrzala je invaziju materijalnog sveta digitalnim. Sastanak koji je mogao da bude imejl, sada je imejl. Tržne centre zatvaraju polja za pretrage. Fortnajt turniri pune nacionalne stadione, a JPEG-ovi se prodaju po ceni da Vinčija. Šta god da se desi, svi ćemo provoditi sve više vremena na internetu. Kako da zašititimo ono zbog čega je sjajan i promenimo ono zbog čega je zastrašujući?
Well, first of all, I think we need an update. Internet access is no longer a luxury. It is a necessity for economic and individual development. For developing countries, increased access is a pathway out of poverty and enables smoother access to essential services like education and health care.
Pa, pre svega, mislim da nam je potrebna nadogradnja. Pristup internetu više nije luksuz. Radi se o nužnosti za ekonomski i individualni razvoj. Za zemlje u razvoju, sve veći pristup internetu znači izlazak iz siromaštva i on obezbeđuje lakši pristup osnovnim uslugama poput obrazovanja i zdravstva.
As millions in the Global South have logged on, the way the world accesses the Internet has completely changed. In 2011, mobile internet use accounted for just 5% of total traffic. Today, it sits comfortably at 56%. Cheap phones and 4G have made the internet truly global, but it also means that most of us only access it through a handful of applications. The internet is in all of your pockets and this is a TED Talk, so it's probably on most of your wrists. Not mine. I've got a calculator.
Kad su se milioni sa Globalnog juga ulogovali, način na koji svet pristupa internetu se u potpunosti promenio. Godine 2011, upotreba mobilnog interneta je iznosila svega 5% ukupnog saobraćaja. Danas je ušuškana na 56%. Zbog jeftinih telefona i 4G internet je postao istinski globalan, ali to takođe znači da mu većina nas jedino pristupa preko šačice aplikacija. Internet je u svim vašim džepovima, a kako je ovo TED govor, verovatno je na većini vaših zglobova. Ne i na mom. Ja imam digitron.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
Keeps me humble. That’s where we access it, but we wouldn’t be able to if it weren't for unassuming, securely guarded buildings like this one. Internet exchange points where bandwidth is actually produced. If these places cease to operate, then the internet is down and not even the sweatiest guy in your IT department can do anything about it.
Održava me skromnim. Tu mu pristupamo, ali ne bismo bili u mogućnosti da nije neizglednih, dobro čuvanih zgrada poput ove. Tačaka internet razmene gde se propusni opseg zapravo proizvodi. Kada bi ova mesta prestala da rade, internet bi pao i ni najznojaviji lik iz informatičkog odseka ne bi mogao ništa da uradi.
In 2011, the Egyptian government shut down one of the country's two main exchange points, the Ramses Exchange in Cairo. The internet was being used to organize protests as users were galvanized by sharing videos of ongoing violence in real time. For days, only a few government ministries and the stock market were connected to the internet. It was a threat to the crumbling regime. And when the government did fall, the internet got the lion's share of the credit. Protests were organized without appointed leaders and with unprecedented speed. And this is what the internet does that no other technology has ever come close to achieving: decentralized mass organization.
Godine 2011, egipatska vlada je isključila jednu od dve glavne tačke razmene u državi, Ramses Exchange u Kairu. Internet je korišćen da se organizuju protesti tako što su korisnici podsticani deljenjem videa nasilja u realnom vremenu. Danima su jedino nekoliko vladinih ministarstava i berza bili povezani na internet. Radilo se o pretnji režimu u osipanju. A kada je vlada pala, internetu su pripale najveće zasluge. Protesti su organizovani bez označenih vođa i nezabeleženom brzinom. A to je nešto što internet radi što nijedna druga tehnologija nije bila ni blizu da postigne: decentralizovano masovno organizovanje.
Since then, though, regimes have gotten a lot better at harnessing the internet's power for themselves. In 2019, both Iran and Iraq faced potentially destabilizing protest movements, and both governments reacted by pulling the national router.
Otad pak, režimi su postali daleko bolji u uprezanju snage interneta za sebe. Godine 2019, i Iran i Irak su bili suočeni sa potencijalno destabilišućim protestnim pokretima, a obe vlade su reagovale čupanjem nacionalnog rutera.
These blackouts, though, are costly. Iraq's 11-day shutdown was estimated to cost their economy over 2 billion dollars. Iran's only lasted eight days, but the communication blackout was used to imprison organizers and murder protesters in the hundreds. Video of violence made its way online once access was restored, but by then, the protest movement had lost all momentum.
Ova zamračenja su pak skupa. Jedanaestodnevno gašenje interneta smatra se da je koštalo iračku ekonomiju preko dve milijarde dolara. U Iranu je potrajalo svega osam dana, ali je komunikacijsko pomračenje iskorišćeno za hapšenje organizatora i ubijanje na stotine demonstranata. Snimci nasilja su se probili na internet čim je pristup ponovo uspostavljen, ali dotad je protestni pokret potpuno izgubio zamah.
This year, the frontline fight for the free internet has been in Myanmar. The military junta seized power in February and enacted nightly internet shutdowns to hinder protest and hide human rights abuses. Social media was banned for months, but activists have been successfully skirting restrictions using VPNs to access restricted services and to document state violence.
Ove godine, udarna bitka za slobodni internet je bila u Mjanmaru. Vojna hunta je preuzela vlast u februaru i sprovodila je gašenje interneta tokom noći kako bi ometali proteste i skrivali kršenja ljudskih prava. Društvene mreže su bile zabranjene mesecima, ali aktivisti su uspešno izbegavali restrikcije upotrebom VPN-ova kako bi pristupali zabranjenim servisima i dokumentovali nasilje države.
This is guerrilla cyberwarfare in action and it has real world casualties. Mobile phones might be empowering the resistance, but they are also facilitating data-driven mass surveillance. Use the wrong platform and the government can monitor your private messages and automatically delete them before they reach their intended recipient. To me, this is like halfway between the government censoring your mail and your thoughts.
Radi se o gerilskom sajber ratovanju na delu i ono ima stvarne žrtve. Mobilni telefoni možda ohrabruju otpor, ali i olakšavaju masovni nadzor potpomognut podacima. Uđite na pogrešnu platformu i vlada može da prati vaše privatne poruke i da ih automatski briše pre nego što stignu do ciljanog primaoca. Meni ovo izgleda kao pola puta između vladine cenzure vaše pošte i vaših misli.
But it's not hopeless. Just before the junta took over, their arrival was documented in this viral video by a fitness influencer.
Međutim, nije beznadežno. Baš kad je hunta preuzimala vlast, njihov dolazak je dokumentovan u ovom viralnom snimku od strane fitnes influenserke.
(Upbeat music)
(Vesela muzika)
That is the junta's top brass arriving in the background to depose the democratically elected leader.
Ovo je huntina vrhuška u pozadini kako stiže da svrgne demokratski izabranog vođu.
Now I love this video. It's simultaneously absurd and tragic, which I feel like are the twin moods of the internet at the moment. But it also shows that even when the entire national infrastructure of the internet is controlled by a repressive regime, information still wants to be free.
Sad, volim ovaj snimak. Istovremeno je apsurdan i tragičan, što osećam da su nerazdvojiva raspoloženja u vezi s trenutnim internetom. Međutim, takođe pokazuje da čak i kada celokupnu nacionalnu infrastrukturu interneta kontroliše represivni režim, informacija i dalje želi da bude slobodna.
In the West, though, some of us are worried that information has gone a bit too free. In some cases, fact-free. Disinformation and misinformation on social media are testing the boundaries of free speech.
Na Zapadu pak, neki od nas su zabrinuti da su informacije postale malčice preslobodne. U nekim slučajevima, oslobođene činjenica. Dezinformacije i lažne informacije na društvenim mrežama testiraju granice slobode govora.
The World Health Organization has called the pandemic an infodemic, with their official updates sharing a timeline with posts telling you to cure coronavirus by drinking bleach. In the UK, a conspiracy theory linking 5G to coronavirus spread so quickly that it led to over 30 arson attacks on cell towers in March 2020 alone. Absurd. Tragic, once again. But it's easy to see there's a problem.
Svetska zdravstvena organizacija je nazvala pandemiju infodemijom, gde su njihova zvanična ažuriranja delila vremensku liniju sa postovima koji su vam govorili da lečite koronavirus izbeljivačem. U Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu, teorija zavere koja je povezivala 5G sa koronavirusom se širila toliko brzo da je to dovelo do paljenja preko 30 tornjeva za mobilne telefone samo u martu 2020. Apsurdno. Tragično, iznova. Međutim, lako je uvideti da postoji problem.
Combating disinformation is tricky when mega-platforms have become so enormous that they're nearly impossible to effectively moderate. When Facebook attempted to use machine learning to identify and remove dangerous posts, it often couldn't tell the difference between government guidance and posts meant to mimic it. Imperfect machines ultimately create imperfect machines.
Borba protiv dezinformacija je zeznuta kada su megaplatforme postale toliko ogromne da ih je gotovo nemoguće efikasno moderirati. Kada je Fejsbuk pokušao da iskoristi mašinsko učenje da identifikuje i ukloni opasne postove, često nisu bili u stanju da razlikuju vladine smernice od postova koji ih oponašaju. Nesavršene mašine naposletku stvaraju nesavršene mašine.
So this is a very human problem and it obviously outdates the internet. There's always been demand for disinformation. It's based on what people want to believe. And where there is demand, there is opportunity to supply. Facebook themselves will tell you that most disinformation on their platform is financially incentivized. Malicious actors who own small websites crammed with ads, who will pay to advertise on Facebook first to get the ball rolling. Platforms might not be able to moderate everything we say and I don’t think they should, but they are more than capable of disrupting and regulating who pays them.
Radi se o krajnje ljudskom problemu i očito je stariji od interneta. Oduvek je postojala potražnja za dezinformacijama. Zasnovana je na tome u šta ljudi žele da veruju. A gde postoji potražnja, tu je i prilika za ponudu. Sam Fejsbuk će vam reći da većina dezinformacija na njihovoj platformi ima finansijski podsticaj. Zlonamerni akteri koji poseduju male veb-stranice krcate reklamama, koji plaćaju da se reklamiraju prvo na Fejsbuku kako bi pogurali stvari. Platforme možda nisu u stanju da uređuju sve što govorimo, i ne mislim da bi trebalo, ali su više nego sposobne da ometu i regulišu one koji ih plaćaju.
Of course, mega-platforms resist any regulation of their advertising because it's where they make most of their money. We all know they aren't selling us a service. They're selling access to our eyeballs.
Naravno, megaplatforme odbijaju bilo kakvu regulaciju reklama jer tu zarađuju većinu novca. Svi znamo da nam ne prodaju uslugu. Prodaju pristup našim očnim dupljama.
There's now a widespread distrust of the unregulated Internet. In the UK, there has been popular public campaigns and subsequent government proposals to connect social media accounts to government-issued identification, getting rid of the anonymity and holding people accountable for all the naughty things they say online.
Trenutno imamo rasprostranjeno nepoverenje prema neregulisanom internetu. U Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu imamo popularne javne kampanje i skorašnje vladine predloge da se nalozi na društvenim mrežama povežu sa zvaničnim vladinim dokumentima, čime bi se rešili anonimnosti i ljudi bi bili odgovorni za sve nevaljale stvari koje izgovaraju onlajn.
This is well-meaning, but it's a fucking terrible idea. Marginalized groups and political dissidents rely on anonymity to protect their free speech, and having your government ID connected to your social media account would leave you extremely vulnerable to phishing scams and identity theft.
Ovo je dobronamerno, ali je jebeno užasna ideja. Marginalizovane grupe i politički disidenti se oslanjaju na anonimnost da zaštite svoju slobodu govora, a povezivanjem lične karte sa vašim nalogom na društvenoj mreži bili biste izuzetno ranjivi na mrežno pecanje i krađu identiteta.
I don't share my name online or anywhere publicly, not because I'm shy, but because I'm just curious to see how long I can keep it up. Gaining notoriety but retaining anonymity is a unique privilege of the information age, so why not take advantage of it?
Ne delim svoje ime onlajn ili bilo gde javno, ne zato što sam stidljiv, već zato što sam znatiželjan da vidim koliko dugo ću da izdržim. Steći prepoznatljivost, ali ostati anoniman je jedinstvena privilegija informatičkog doba, pa zašto je ne iskoristiti?
The internet is difficult to tame because it was built that way. This is Jon Postel, a man who once held the unofficial title of “God of the internet.” Here he is posing in front of a hand-drawn map of it in 1998. The US government had contracted Jon to run the root authority of the Domain Name System, the closest thing the internet's infrastructure has to the top of its hierarchy. Basically when you type in twitter.com or paymytaxes.gov, the root authority is what makes sure you get there. That's an oversimplification, but what you need to understand is that whoever controls the root authority controls access to every website and theoretically could delete all of them.
Internet je teško ukrotiti zato što je napravljen da bude takav. Ovo je Džon Postel, čovek koji je nekad držao nezvaničnu titulu „boga interneta”. Ovde 1998. pozira ispred ručno izrađene mape interneta. Vlada SAD-a je unajmila Džona da upravlja rut sertifikatom DNS-a, to je nešto najbliže što infrastruktura interneta ima vrhu hijerarhije. U suštini kad ukucate twitter.com ili poreskauprava.org, rut sertifikat vam omogućava da tu stignete. Suviše je uprošćeno, ali ono što treba da razumete je da ko god kontroliše rut sertifikat kontoroliše pristup svakom vebsajtu i teoretski bi mogao da ih sve obriše.
So when the US government asked Jon to hand control over, he said no. And this one act of resistance would lead to the creation of ICANN, an international multistakeholder group that ensures the global internet can't be controlled by a single company or government.
Stoga, kada je vlada SAD-a zatražila od Džona da im preda kontrolu, rekao je ne. A ovaj pojedinačan čin otpora će dovesti do stvaranja ICANN-a, međunarodne grupe više zainteresovanih strana koja se stara da globalni internet ne može da kontroliše jedna firma ili vlada.
Naturally, some governments have resisted this. Notably, the Chinese government have been advocating for what they call internet sovereignty since 2013. This is the idea that each country has the right to control a separate version of the internet within their own borders. Of course, China's internet has worked this way for decades, but it's increasingly an attractive option to others. Iran booted up their own version in 2018, and Russia are quietly testing theirs out.
Prirodno, neke vlade su se opirale ovome. Naročito je kineska vlada bila zagovornik nečega što nazivaju internet suverenitetom, još od 2013. Radi se o zamisli da svaka država ima pravo da kontroliše posebnu verziju interneta unutar sopstvenih granica. Naravno, kineski internet ovako funkcioniše decenijama, ali radi se o sve privlačnijoj opciji za ostale. Iran je startovao sopstvenu verziju 2018, a Rusija tiho testira svoju.
And these national firewalls are used to restrict unwanted information, but their main priority is to crush organization that happens outside of a party political structure. And frankly, if it is disinformation that we're worried about, governments are the last group we should trust with regulating it.
Svi ovi nacionalni zaštitni zidovi služe za ograničavanje neželjenih informacija, ali je njihov prioritet uništavanje organizovanja koje se dešava izvan partijske političke strukture. I, iskreno, ukoliko smo zabrinuti zbog dezinformacija, vlade su poslednja grupa kojoj bi trebalo da poverimo regulaciju istih.
In 2018, Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg claimed that the company deleted over 1.3 billion fake accounts in just six months. A few hundred million of them were probably cooked up here, in the old Saint Petersburg office of the Internet Research Agency, a private company owned by a close friend of Vladimir Putin and a state-funded troll army. Their job is to spread disinformation and sow discord online with a phantom army of puppet accounts and conspiracy theories. Their job isn't to bolster the argument of one side, but to inflame debate and make all sides look equally ridiculous. But this nihilistic genre of propaganda is incredibly weak when it's confronted with the sincerity of outsiders.
Godine 2018, operativna direktorka Fejsbuka Šeril Sandberg je tvrdila da je kompanija izbrisala preko 1,3 milijarde lažnih naloga u svega šest meseci. Nekoliko stotina miliona njih je verovatno zakuvano ovde, u staroj sanktpeterburškoj kancelariji Agencije za istraživanje interneta, privatnoj firmi koju poseduje blizak prijatelj Vladimira Putina, kao i armiju trolova koju finansira država. Njihov posao je da šire dezinformacije i da seju razdor na internetu putem fantomske armije marionetskih naloga i teorija zavere. Njihov posao nije da učvršćuju argumente jedne strane, već da toliko raspire debatu kako bi sve strane izgledale jednako smešno. Međutim, ovaj nihilistički vid propagande je izuzetno slab kada se suoči sa iskrenošću autsajdera.
That's why I think Alexei Navalny is the most interesting person on the internet today. If you don’t know who he is, he’s a lot of things: a dissident, lawyer, criminal and YouTuber who took on the Russian government. His video on Putin's palace got 120 million views, which inspires professional awe and jealousy in me. And aside from some high-budget drone shots, there is very little new information in this video. It's a compilation of previously available sources, sometimes decades-old information. But unlike these old sources, this video reached 25 million people in 24 hours and delivered this information in an exciting, hilarious and inclusive way.
Zato smatram da je Aleksej Navaljni najinteresantnija osoba trenutno na internetu. Ako ne znate ko je on, on je mnogo toga: disident, advokat, kriminalac i jutjuber koji se suprotstavio ruskoj vladi. Njegov snimak Putinove palate ima 120 miliona pregleda, a to izaziva profesionalno divljenje i zavist u meni. Pored nešto visokobudžetnih snimaka dronom, skoro da nema novih informacija na ovom snimku. Radi se o kompilaciji već dostupnih izvora, na momente decenijama starih informacija. Nasuprot pak tim starim izvorima, ovaj snimak je stigao do 25 miliona ljudi za 24 sata i isporučio je ovu informaciju na uzbudljiv, urnebesan i inkluzivan način.
After surviving an assassination attempt and being sentenced to a penal colony, Navalny is still leading resistance online. The Kremlin have duly blocked access to this video and have blocked access to Smart Voting websites, which Navalny has been propagating. We might be frightened of mega-platforms, but they are empowering individuals and giving outsiders an audience that dwarfs the one offered by legacy media establishments that dominated the information market during the last century.
Nakon što je preživeo pokušaj atentata i osuđen u kaznenoj koloniji, Navaljni i dalje vodi pokret otpora na internetu. Kremlj je, kako dolikuje, blokirao pristup ovom snimku i blokirao je pristup veb-sajtovima Smart Voting, koje Navaljni širi. Možda nas plaše megaplatforme, ali one osnažuju pojedince i pružaju autsajderima publiku koja zasenjuje onu koju nude tradicionalni medijski autoriteti koji su dominirali tržištem informacija tokom prošlog veka.
And I know it feels like we're spending our lives flicking between the same four apps, and that's because we are. Around 80% of internet traffic is captured by only a handful of companies and we're spending progressively more time with them. Thanks to lockdown and home working, internet use in the UK doubled in just one year. And all of those Netflix binges are putting a strain on the internet's infrastructure.
I znam da imate osećaj kao da provodimo živote šaltajući između četiri iste aplikacije, a to je zato što to i radimo. Oko 80% internet saobraćaja je zarobila svega šačica kompanija i provodimo sve više vremena uz njih. Zahvaljujući karantinu i radu od kuće, upotreba interneta u Britaniji se udvostručila za svega godinu. A sva ta bindžovanja na Netfliksu iscrpljuju infrastrukturu interneta.
This is a hyperscale data center. There's around 600 of them worldwide and over half of them are owned by either Amazon, Microsoft, Google or Apple. The number of these computer cabinet labyrinths has doubled in the last five years to keep up with our ever-increasing demand. And this has upset internet service providers who claim that these bandwidth-hogging companies aren't paying their fair share. And maybe they aren't.
Ovo je centar za podatke hiperskale. Širom sveta postoji njih oko 600, a preko polovinu poseduju Amazon, Majkrosoft, Gugl ili Epl. Broj ovih lavirinata od računarskih kućišta se udvostručio u proteklih pet godina kako bi održali korak sa našom trajno rastućom potražnjom. A ovo je uznemirilo ponuđače internet usluga koji tvrde da ove monopolske kompanije propusnog opsega ne plaćaju svoj deo. I možda je tako.
And while I do think it is concerning that so few companies control so much of the internet, I don't think their reign is assured. Internal projections at Facebook show that teenagers are abandoning their platform in their droves, so much so that their American user base could decrease by up to 45% in two years.
I, iako smatram da je zabrinjavajuće da tako mali broj kompanija kontroliše toliki deo interneta, ne smatram da im je vladavina osigurana. Unutrašnje projekcije Fejsbuka pokazuju da buljuci tinejdžera napuštaju platformu, toliko da bi im baza korisnika u Americi mogla opasti za i do 45% u dve godine.
I'm not saying that the problem will solve itself. These platforms are powerful, but only in proportion to the time and attention that we give them. It's easy to forget that the internet is still in its infancy and new competitors are gathering in every corner.
Ne kažem da će se problem rešiti sam od sebe. Ove platforme su moćne, ali samo onoliko koliko im poklonimo vremena i pažnje. Lako je zaboraviti da je internet i dalje u povoju i da se novi konkurenti gomilaju na svakom ćošku.
Then there are competitors like the super apps. And these apps are interesting. They're mobile-only, mostly an Asian phenomenon so far. They are applications that position themselves as a one-stop shop for all your internet-based needs. Singapore has Grab, Indonesia has GoTo, but by far the most popular is China's WeChat.
A onda imamo konkurente poput superaplikacija. A ove aplikacije su zanimljive. Isključivo su za mobilne telefone, za sad su samo azijska pojava. To su aplikacije koje se predstavljaju kao sve na jednom mestu za sve što vam je potrebno od interneta. Singapur ima Grab, Indonezija ima GoTo, ali je nadaleko najpopularniji kineski WeChat.
With over 1.3 billion active daily users, WeChat has integrated itself into the fabric of normal social life in China. It's your driver's license, your debit card and your phone. It's where you pay your landlord, book flights, hotels and doctor's appointments. It has supercharged China's journey towards a cashless society, replacing coins with QR codes, with even the homeless forced to upgrade.
Sa preko 1,3 milijarde aktivnih dnevnih korisnika, WeChat se ugradio u samo tkivo običnog društvenog života u Kini. To vam je vozačka dozvola, debitna kartica i telefon. Tu plaćate stanodavcu, rezervišete letove, hotele i preglede kod doktora. Ubrzao je put Kine ka bezgotovinskom društvu, menjajući kovanice QR kodovima, gde su se čak i beskućnici morali modernizovati.
And it is a brilliant tool. It has brought older generations and the industrial working class online and given them easier access to essential services. But it also conveniently bundles up all of your personal data, private messages and physical whereabouts for a government with backdoor access. The surveillance enabled by these super apps is threatening to turn privacy into a relic of the 20th century. Because when there's only one platform, there's nowhere left to hide.
I radi se o sjajnoj alatci. Dovela je starije generacije i industrijsku radničku klasu na internet i dala im je lakši pristup osnovnim uslugama. Međutim, ona prikladno i grupiše sve vaše lične podatke, privatne poruke i kretanja u prostoru za vlade sa zakulisnim prolazom. Nadzor koji omogućuju ove superaplikacije preti da pretvori privatnost u relikt XX veka. Jer kada imate samo jednu platformu, nemate gde da se sakrijete.
The internet was built to be plural, to exist nowhere in particular and to be accessible everywhere. Internet culture is global culture, arguably the first ever instance of it, and we must ensure that everyone has equal access. No one in this room knows what the internet will look like in ten, 50 or 100 years, but we can be damn sure it'll be here. It's the greatest invention of all of our lifetimes, and we must ensure that it reflects the best of us. It must be open, enquiring, cooperative and suspicious of authority.
Internet je sagrađen da bude pluralistički, da ne postoji nigde naročito i da bude dostupan svuda. Internet kultura je globalna kultura, moguće i njen prvi primer uopšte, i moramo se postarati da svako ima ravnopravan pristup. Niko u ovoj prostoriji ne zna kako će internet da izgleda za deset, 50 ili 100 godina, ali možemo da budemo prokleto sigurni da će da bude tu. Radi se o najvećem izumu naših celokupnih života, i moramo da se postaramo da bude odraz najboljeg u nama. Mora da bude otvoren, propitujući, sarađivački i sumnjičav prema autoritetu.
Thank you.
Hvala vam.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)