So I know for sure there's at least one thing I have in common with dentists. I absolutely hate the holiday of Halloween. Now, this hatred stems not from a dislike of cavities, nor was it a lifetime in the making. Rather, this hatred stems from a particular incident that happened nine years ago.
Znam zasigurno da je zubarima i meni bar jedna stvar zajednička. Apsolutno mrzim praznik Noć veštica. Ova mržnja ne proističe iz toga što ne volim karijes, niti je stečena kroz život. Ta mržnja je zapravo proistekla iz konkretnog nemilog događaja koji se desio pre devet godina.
Nine years ago, I was even younger, I was 20 years old, and I was an intern in the White House. The other White House. And my job was to work with mayors and councilors nationwide. November 1, 2010 began just like any other day. I turned on the computer, went on Google and prepared to write my news clips. I was met with a call from my mother, which isn't that out the norm, my mom likes to text, call, email, Facebook, Instagram, all that. So I answered the phone expecting to hear maybe some church gossip, or maybe something from WorldStarHipHop she had discovered. But when I answered the phone, I was met with a tone that was unlike anything I had ever heard from my mother. My mother's loud. But she spoke in a hush, still, muffled tone that conveyed a sense of sadness. And as she whispered, she said, "Michael, your cousin Donnell was murdered last night, on Halloween, at a house party in Stockton."
Pre devet godina sam bio još mlađi, imao sam 20 godina, i bio sam pripravnik u Beloj kući. U drugoj Beloj kući. Posao mi je bio da radim sa gradonačelnicima i odbornicima širom zemlje. Prvi novembar 2010. godine počeo je kao i svaki drugi dan. Uključio sam kompjuter, otišao na Gugl i spremao se da pišem sažetke vesti. Dobio sam poziv od majke, što nije toliko neuobičajeno, jer moja mama voli da šalje poruke, zove, šalje imejlove, ide na Fejsbuk, Instagram i tako to. Javio sam se očekujući da slušam možda neka ogovaranja iz crkve, ili možda nešto što je saznala sa bloga o hip-hopu. Ali kada sam se javio, na drugoj liniji sam naišao na ton ni nalik mojoj majci. Moja majka glasno govori. Ali sada je govorila tihim, mirnim, prigušenim tonom koji je ukazivao na tugu. Kroz šapat, rekla je: „Majkl, tvoj rođak Donel je ubijen sinoć, u Noći veštica, na kućnoj zabavi u Stoktonu.“
And like far too many people in this country, particularly from communities like mine, particularly that look like me, I spent the better part of the year dealing with anger, rage, nihilism, and I had a choice to make. The choice was one between action and apathy. The choice was what could I do to put purpose to this pain. I spent a year dealing with feelings of survivor's guilt. What was the point of me being at Stanford, what was the point of me being at the White House if I was powerless to help my own family? And my own family was dying, quite literally. I then began to feel a little selfish and say, what's the point of even trying to make the world a better place? Maybe that's just the way it is. Maybe I would be smart to take advantage of all the opportunities given to me and make as much money as possible, so I'm comfortable, and my immediate family is comfortable.
Kao i toliko mnogo ljudi u ovoj zemlji, naročito u zajednicama kao što je moja, naročito oni koji izgledaju kao ja, proveo sam dobar deo godine boreći se sa ljutnjom, besom, nihilizmom, i morao sam da donesem odluku. Izbor je bio između akcije i apatije. Odluka se ticala toga šta mogu da uradim kako bih pridao smisao svojoj boli. Godinu dana sam se borio sa osećanjima krivice jer sam preživeo. Koja je bila svrha toga što sam na Stenfordu, koja je svrha toga što sam u Beloj kući ako sam bespomoćan da pomognem svojoj porodici? A moja porodica je umirala, bukvalno. Onda sam počeo da osećam sebičluk i da govorim: „Ima li uopšte svrhe pokušavati da svet učinimo boljim mestom?“ Možda su stvari prosto takve kakve jesu. Možda bi bilo pametno da iskoristim sve prilike koje imam i zaradim što više novca, tako da mi je ugodno u životu, kao i mojoj bližoj porodici.
But finally, towards the end of that year, I realized I wanted to do something. So I made the crazy decision, as a senior in college, to run for city council. That decision was unlikely for a couple of reasons, and not just my age. You see, my family is far from a political dynasty. More men in my family have been incarcerated than in college. In fact, as I speak today, my father is still incarcerated. My mother, she had me as a teenager, and government wasn't something we had warm feelings from. You see, it was the government that red-lined the neighborhoods I grew up in. Full of liquor stores and no grocery stores, there was a lack of opportunity and concentrated poverty. It was the government and the politicians that made choices, like the war on drugs and three strikes, that have incarcerated far too many people in our country. It was the government and political actors that made the decisions that created the school funding formulas, that made it so the school I went to receive less per pupil spending than schools in more affluent areas. So there was nothing about that background that made it likely for me to choose to be involved in being a government actor.
Ali naposletku, pred kraj te godine, shvatio sam da želim da nešto preduzmem. Zato sam, kao apsolvent, doneo suludu odluku, da se kandidujem za gradsko veće. Bile su male šanse da se to ostvari iz par razloga, ne samo zbog mojih godina. Vidite, moja porodica je daleko od političke dinastije. Više muškaraca u mojoj porodici je išlo u zatvor nego na fakultet. Zapravo, u ovom trenutku, moj otac je još uvek u zatvoru. Majka me je rodila kao tinejdžerka, i sa vladom nije imala baš prijatna iskustva. Vidite, upravo je vlada diskriminisala naselja u kojima sam odrastao. Bila su puna prodavnica alkoholnih pića, bez bakalnica, manjkalo je mogućnosti i siromaštvo je bilo koncentrisano. Vlada i političari su donosili odluke poput rata protiv droge i zakona za tri prekršaja, koji su previše ljudi u zemlji smestili u zatvor. Vlada i politički akteri donosili su odluke koje su stvorile formule za finansiranje škola, zbog kojih je škola u koju sam ja išao dobijala manje sredstava po učeniku nego škole u imućnijim krajevima. Zato nije bilo ničeg u vezi sa tim svetom što bi povećalo šanse da odaberem da učestvujem kao akter u vladi.
And at the same time, Stockton was a very unlikely place. Stockton is my home town, a city of 320,000 people. But historically, it's been a place people run from, rather than come back to. It's a city that's incredibly diverse. Thirty-five percent Latino, 35 percent white, 20 percent Asian, 10 percent African American, the oldest Sikh temple in North America. But at the time I ran for office, we were also the largest city in the country at that time to declare bankruptcy. At the time I decided to run for office, we also had more murders per capita than Chicago. At the time I decided to run for office, we had a 23 percent poverty rate, a 17 percent college attainment rate and a host of challenges and issues beyond the scope of any 21-year-old.
Istovremeno, Stokton je bilo mesto sa malo šanse za mene. Stokton je moj rodni grad od 320 000 ljudi. Ali kroz njegovu istoriju, to je češće bilo mesto iz koga ljudi beže, nego u koje se vraćaju. To je neverovatno raznolik grad. Latinoamerikanci čine 35 procenata, 35 procenata belci, 20 procenata Azijati, 10 procenata Afroamerikanci, najstariji siki hram u Severnoj Americi. Ali u vreme kada sam se ja kandidovao, bili smo i tada najveći grad u zemlji koji je proglasio bankrot. U vreme kada sam rešio da se kandidujem, imali smo više ubistava po glavi stanovnika od Čikaga. U vreme kada sam rešio da se kandidujem, imali smo stopu siromaštva od 23 procenata, stopu stečene visoke stručne spreme od 17 procenata, i gomilu problema koji prevazilaze domete bilo koje osobe u 21. godini života.
So after I won my election, I did what I usually do when I feel overwhelmed, I realized the problems of Stockton were far bigger than me and that I might need a little divine intervention. So as I prepared for my first council meeting, I went back to some wisdom my grandmother taught me. A parable I think we all know, that really constitutes the governing frame we're using to reinvent Stockton today.
Nakon što sam pobedio na izborima, uradio sam ono što obično radim kada se osećam preplavljeno, shvatio sam da su problemi Stoktona mnogo veći od mene i da mi možda treba malo božje intervencije. Zato, dok sam se spremao za svoj prvi sastanak saveta, vratio sam se mudrosti kojoj me je podučila baka. To je priča koju mislim da svi znamo, a koja predstavlja okvir koji danas koristimo u upravljanju da bismo preporodili Stokton.
I remember in Sunday school, my grandmother told me that at one time, a guy asked Jesus, "Who was my neighbor? Who was my fellow citizen? Who am I responsible for?" And instead of a short answer, Jesus replied with a parable. He said there was a man on a journey, walking down Jericho Road. As he was walking down the road, he was beat up, left on the side of the road, stripped of all his clothes, had everything stolen from and left to die. And then a priest came by, saw the man on the side of the road, maybe said a silent prayer, hopes and prayers, prayers that he gets better. Maybe saw the man on the side of the road and surmised that it was ordained by God for this particular man, this particular group to be on the side of the road, there's nothing I can do to change it.
Sećam se da mi je, u školi veronauke, baka rekla da je jednom jedan čovek pitao Isusa: „Ko je moj sused? Ko je moj bližnji? Za koga sam odgovoran?“ Umesto kratkog odgovora, Isus je odgovorio parabolom. Ispričao je kako je jedan čovek bio na putovanju i hodao putem za Jerihon. Dok je hodao putem, pretučen je, ostavljen pokraj puta, skinuta mu je sva odeća, sve mu je ukradeno i ostavljen je da umre. Potom je prišao sveštenik, video čoveka pokraj puta, možda se tiho pomolio, uputio želje i molitve da se oporavi. Možda je video čoveka pokraj puta i pretpostavio da je to tako odredio bog za tog konkretnog čoveka, tu konkretnu grupu da bude pokraj puta, da tu ništa ne može da promeni.
After the priest walked by, maybe a politician walked by. A 28-year-old politician, for example. Saw the man on the side of the road and saw how beat up the man was, saw that the man was a victim of violence, or fleeing violence. And the politician decided, "You know what? Instead of welcoming this man in, let's build a wall. Maybe the politician said, "Maybe this man chose to be on the side of the road." That if he just pulled himself up by his bootstraps, despite his boots being stolen, and got himself back on the horse, he could be successful, and there's nothing I could do." And then finally, my grandmother said, a good Samaritan came by, saw the man on the side of the road and looked and saw not centuries of hatred between Jews and Samaritans, looked and saw not his fears reflected, not economic anxiety, not "what's going to happen to me because things are changing." But looked and saw a reflection of himself. He saw his neighbor, he saw his common humanity. He didn't just see it, he did something about it, my grandmother said. He got down on one knee, he made sure the man was OK, and I heard, even gave him a room at that nice Fairmont, the Pan Pacific one.
Nakon što je sveštenik prošao, možda je prošao političar. Političar od 28 godina, na primer. Video je čoveka pokraj puta i video kako je taj čovek pretučen, video da je čovek žrtva nasilja, odbeglog nasilnika. I političar je odlučio: „Znate šta? Umesto da primimo ovog čoveka, hajde da napravimo zid.“ Možda je političar rekao: „Možda je ovaj čovek odabrao da bude pokraj puta. Kada bi samo hteo da stane na svoje noge, iako mu je ukradena obuća, i vrati se u sedlo, bio bi uspešan, a ja tu ništa ne mogu.“ Zatim je konačno, kako je rekla moja baka, tuda prošao dobri Samarićanin, ugledao čoveka pokraj puta, pogledao i nije video vekove mržnje između Jevreja i Samarićana, pogledao i nije video odraz svojih strahova, niti ekonomskih strepnji, niti „šta li će biti sa mnom pošto se stvari menjaju“. Već je pogledao i video odraz sebe samog. Video je bližnjeg svog, video je njihovu zajedničku ljudskost. Nije samo to video, već je nešto i preduzeo, govorila je moja baka. Kleknuo je na jedno koleno, uverio se da je čovek u redu, i, kako sam čuo, priredio mu je pravi hotelski smeštaj, sa ekskluzivnim uslugama.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
And as I prepared to govern, I realized that given the diversity of Stockton, the first step to making change will be to again answer the same question: Who is our neighbor? And realizing that our destiny as a city was tied up in everyone. Particularly those who are left on the side of the road. But then I realized that charity isn't justice, that acts of empathy isn't justice, that being a good neighbor is necessary but not sufficient, and there was more that had to be done. So looking at the story, I realized that the road, Jericho Road, has a nickname. It's known as the Bloody Pass, the Ascent of Red, because the road is structured for violence. This Jericho Road is narrow, it's conducive for ambushing. Meaning, a man on the side of the road wasn't abnormal. Wasn't strange. And in fact, it was something that was structured to happen, it was supposed to happen.
Dok sam se pripremao za funkciju, shvatio sam da će, imajući u vidu raznolikost Stoktona, prvi korak ka promenama biti ponovo odgovoriti na isto pitanje: ko je naš sused? I shvatiti da je naša sudbina kao grada vezana za svakog. Naročito za one ostavljene pokraj puta. Ali onda sam shvatio da dobročinstvo nije pravda, da činovi empatije nisu pravda, da je nužno biti dobar sused ali ne i dovoljno, i da ima još toga što treba učiniti. Zagledavši se u priču, shvatio sam da put za Jerihon ima nadimak. Poznat je kao Krvavi prolaz, Crveni uspon, jer je put strukturisan za nasilje. Put za Jerihon je uzak, pogodan za zasedu. Što znači da čovek pokraj puta tu nije bilo nešto nenormalno. Nije bilo čudno. Zapravo, kada je nešto strukturisano da se desi, to je i očekivano da se desi.
And Johan Galtung, a peace theorist, talks about structural violence in our society. He says, "Structural violence is the avoidable impairment of basic human needs." Dr. Paul Farmer talks about structural violence and talks about how it's the way our institutions, our policies, our culture creates outcomes that advantage some people and disadvantage others. And then I realized, much like the road in Jericho, in many ways, Stockton, our society, has been structured for the outcomes we complain about. That we should not be surprised when we see that kids in poverty don't do well in school, that we should not be surprised to see wealth gaps by race and ethnicity. We should not be surprised to see income pay disparities between genders, because that's what our society, historically, has been structured to do, and it's working accordingly.
Johan Galtung, mirovni teoretičar, govori o strukturalnom nasilju u našem društvu. On kaže: „Strukturalno nasilje je osujećenje osnovnih ljudskih potreba koje se može izbeći.“ Dr Pol Farmer govori o strukturalnom nasilju kao i o načinu na koji naše institucije, propisi i kultura dovode do ishoda koji daju prednost nekim ljudima, dok škode drugima. Tako sam shvatio da je, baš poput puta za Jerihon, na mnogo načina, Stokton, naše društvo, strukturisano za ishode na koje se žalimo. Da ne treba da nas čudi kada vidimo da siromašna deca nisu uspešna u školi, da ne treba da nas čudi da se rase i nacionalnosti razlikuju u bogatstvu. Ne treba da nas čude razlike u primanjima između polova, jer naše društvo je tako strukturisano kroz prošlost, i u skladu sa time funkcioniše.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
So taking this wisdom, I rolled up my sleeves and began to work. And there's three quick stories I want to share, that point to not that we figured everything out, not that we have arrived, but we're trending in the right direction. The first story, about the neighbor. When I was a city council member, I was working with one of the most conservative members in our community on opening a health clinic for undocumented people in the south part of the city, and I loved it. And as we opened the clinic, we had a resolution to sign, he presented me a gift. It was an O'Reilly Factor lifetime membership pin.
I tako, prihvativši ovu mudrost, zavrnuo sam rukave i počeo da radim. Hteo bih da iznesem tri kratke priče koje ne ukazuju na to da smo sve shvatili, niti da smo uspeli, već da idemo u pravom smeru. Prva priča, o susedu. Kada sam bio član gradskog veća, radio sam sa jednim od najkonzervativnijih članova naše zajednice na otvaranju zdravstvene klinike za ilegalne doseljenike u južnom delu grada, i bio sam oduševljen time. Dok smo otvarali kliniku, trebalo je da potpišemo rezoluciju, i on mi je dao poklon. Bila je to značka za doživotno članstvo za emisiju O'Rajlijev Faktor.
(Laughter)
(Smeh)
Mind you, I didn't ask what he did to get such a gift. What blood oath -- I had no idea how he got it. But I looked at him and I said, "Well, how are we working together to open a health clinic, to provide free health care for undocumented people, and you're an O'Reilly Factor member?" He looked at me and said, "Councilman Tubbs, this is for my neighbors." And he's a great example of what it means to be a good neighbor, at least in that instance.
Pazite, nisam pitao šta je uradio da bi dobio takav poklon. Kakvu je krvnu zakletvu - nisam imao pojma kako je to dobio. Pogledao sam ga i rekao: „Pa, kako ćemo da radimo zajedno na otvaranju klinike, da pružimo besplatnu zdravstvenu zaštitu za nelegalne doseljenike, a vi ste član O'Rajlijevog Faktora?“ Pogledao me je i rekao: „Odborniče Tabs, ovo je za moje susede.“ To je sjajan primer toga šta znači biti dobar sused, makar u tom slučaju.
The robbers. So after four years on city council, I decided to run for mayor, realizing that being a part-time councilman wasn't enough to enact the structural changes we need to see in Stockton, and I came to that conclusion by looking at the data. So my old council district, where I grew up, is 10 minutes away from a more affluent district. And 10 minutes away in the same city, the difference between zip code 95205 and 95219 in life expectancy is 10 years. Ten minutes away, 4.5 miles, 10 years life expectancy difference, and not because of the choices people are making. Because no one chose to live in an unsafe community where they can't exercise. No one chose to put more liquor stores than grocery stores in the community. No one chose these things, but that's the reality. I realized, as a councilman, to enact a structural change I wanted to see, where between the same zip codes there's a 30 percent difference in the rate of unemployment, there's a 75,000 dollars a year difference in income, that being a councilman was not going to cut it. So that's when I decided to run for mayor.
Pljačkaši. Nakon četiri godine u gradskom veću, rešio sam da se kandidujem za gradonačelnika, shvativši da nije dovoljno da budem odbornik sa skraćenim radnim vremenom da bi došle strukturalne promene koje su nam potrebne u Stoktonu, i došao sam do te odluke gledajući podatke. Veće mog starog okruga, gde sam odrastao, udaljeno je 10 minuta od imućnijeg okruga. A udaljenost od 10 minuta u istom gradu, razlika u životnom veku između poštanskih brojeva 95205 i 95219 je 10 godina. Deset minuta udaljenosti, 7,2 km, 10 godina razlike u očekivanoj dužini života, i to ne zbog odluka koje ti ljudi donose. Jer niko nije odabrao da živi u opasnom kraju gde ne može da vežba. Niko nije birao da tu bude više prodavnica sa alkoholom nego sa namirnicama. Niko nije birao te stvari, ali to je realnost. Shvatio sam, kao odbornik, kako bih ostvario željene strukturalne promene, ako između istih poštanskih brojeva postoji 30 posto razlike u stopi nezaposlenosti, razlika u prihodima od 75 000 dolara godišnje, delovanje kao odbornik neće da pomogne. Tada sam rešio da se kandidujem za gradonačelnika.
And as mayor, we've been focused on the robbers and the road. So in Stockton, as I mentioned, we have historically had problems with violent crime. In fact, that's why I decided to run for office in the first place. And my first job as mayor was helping our community to see ourselves, our neighbors, not just in the people victimized by violence but also in the perpetrators. We realized that those who enact pain in our society, those who are committing homicides and contributing to gun violence, are oftentimes victims themselves. They have high rates of trauma, they have been shot at, they've known people who have been shot. That doesn't excuse their behavior, but it helps explain it, and as a community, we have to see these folks as us, too. That they too are our neighbors. So for the past three years --
Kao gradonačelnik, bio sam fokusiran na pljačkaše i put, U Stoktonu, kao što sam pomenuo, postoji duga istorija problema sa nasilnim kriminalom. U stvari, zato sam pre svega i odlučio da se borim za vlast. Moj prvi zadatak u ulozi gradonačelnika bila je da pomognem našoj zajednici da vidi sebe, svoje susede, ne samo u ljudima koji su bili žrtva nasija, već i u počiniocima. Shvatili smo da su oni koji donose bol našem društvu, oni koji vrše ubistva i učestvuju u oružanom nasilju, često i sami žrtve. Među njima ima mnogo traume, na njih su pucali, znaju ljude koji su upucani. To ne opravdava njihovo ponašanje, ali pomaže da se objasni, i mi kao zajednica moramo da vidimo i te ljude kao sebe same. I oni su naši susedi. Tako smo protekle tri godine -
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
So for the past three years, we've been working on two strategies: Ceasefire and Advance Peace, where we give these guys as much attention, as much love from social services, from opportunities, from tattoo removals, in some cases even cash, as a gift from law enforcement. And last year, we saw a 40 percent reduction in homicides and a 30 percent reduction in violent crime.
Tako smo protekle tri godine radili na dvema strategijama, prekidu vatre i naprednom miru, pri čemu pružamo tim ljudima toliko pažnje, toliko ljubavi, od socijalnih usluga, do pružanja prilika i uklanjanja tetovaža, u nekim slučajevima i novca, kao poklona od policije. Prošle godine smo uočili smanjenje ubistava od 40 posto i smanjenje nasilnih zločina od 30 posto.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
And now, the road. I mentioned that my community has a 23 percent poverty rate. As someone who comes from poverty, it's a personal issue for me. So I decided that we wouldn't just do a program, or we wouldn't just do something to go around the edges, but we would call into question the very structure that produces poverty in the first place. So starting in February, we launched a basic income demonstration, where for the next 18 months, as a pilot, 130 families, randomly selected, who live in zip codes at or below the median income of the city, are given 500 dollars a month. And we're doing this for a couple of reasons. We're doing it because we realize that something is structurally wrong in America, when one in two Americans can't afford one 400-dollar emergency. We're doing it because we realize that something is structurally wrong when wages have only increased six percent between 1979 and 2013. We're doing it because we realize something is structurally wrong when people working two and three jobs, doing all the jobs no one in here wants to do, can't pay for necessities, like rent, like lights, like health care, like childcare.
A sada, put. Pomenuo sam da moja zajednica ima stopu siromaštva od 23 procenta. To je lični problem za mene, kao nekog ko potiče iz siromaštva. Zato sam odlučio ne da samo sprovedemo program, ili da samo uradimo nešto što će da dotakne ivice, već da dovedemo u pitanje samu strukturu koja prvobitno stvara siromaštvo. Počevši od februara, pokrenuli smo isprobavanje bazičnog dohotka, gde ćemo u toku narednih 18 meseci sprovesti pilot istraživanje na 130 nasumično odabranih porodica koje žive na poštanskim brojevima srednje vrednosti dohotka u gradu, u kome im dajemo 500 dolara mesečno. To radimo iz više razloga. To radimo jer shvatamo da nešto strukturalno nije u redu sa Amerikom kada jedan od dvoje Amerikanaca ne može da priušti hitan trošak od 400 dolara. Radimo to jer shvatamo da nešto strukturalno nije u redu kada su se plate povećale svega šest odsto između 1979. i 2013. godine. Radimo to jer shvatamo da nešto strukturalno nije u redu kada ljudi rade dva ili tri posla, rade sve one poslove koje niko ovde ne želi da radi, ne mogu da plate potrepštine kao što je kirija, kao što je struja, zdravstvena zaštita, čuvanje dece.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)
So I would say, Stockton again, we have real issues. I have constituent emails in my phone now, about the homelessness issue, about some of the violent crime we're still experiencing. But I would say, I think as a society, we would be wise to go back to those old Bible stories we were taught growing up, and understand that number one, we have to begin to see each other as neighbors, that when we see someone different from us, they should not reflect our fears, our anxieties, our insecurities, the prejudices we've been taught, our biases -- but we should see ourselves. We should see our common humanity. Because I think once we do that, we can do the more important work of restructuring the road.
Tako da bih rekao, opet vezano za Stokton, imamo istinske probleme. U telefonu imam bitne imejlove o problemu beskućništva, o nekim od nasilnih zločina sa kojima se i dalje suočavamo. Ali rekao bih da bi za nas kao društvo bilo mudro da se vratimo starim biblijskim pričama kojima su nas učili u detinjstvu, i shvatimo da, kao prvo, moramo da počnemo da vidimo jedni druge kao susede, da kada vidimo nekog ko je drugačiji od nas, oni ne treba da budu odraz naših strahova, naših strepnji, naših nesigurnosti, predrasuda kojima smo naučeni, naših pristrasnosti - već da vidimo sebe same. Treba da vidimo našu zajedničku ljudskost. Jer mislim da, kada to uradimo, možemo da se bavimo bitnijim poslom prestrukturisanja puta.
Because again, I understand some listening are saying, "Well, Mayor Tubbs, you're talking about structural violence and structural this, but you're on the stage. That the structures can't be too bad if you could come up from poverty, have a father in jail, go to Stanford, work in the White House and become mayor." And I would respond by saying the term for that is exceptionalism. Meaning that we recognize it's exceptional for people to escape the structures. Meaning by our very language, we understand that the things we're seeing in our world are by design. And I think that task for us, as TEDsters, and as good people, just people, moral people, is really do the hard work necessary of not just joining hands as neighbors, but using our hands to restructure our road, a road that in this country has been rooted in things like white supremacy. A road like in this country has been rooted in things like misogyny. A road that's not working for far too many people. And I think today, tomorrow and 2020 we have a chance to change that.
Jer, još jednom, razumem da će neki koji ovo slušaju reći: „Pa, gradonačelniče Tabs, vi pričate o strukturalnom nasilju i drugim stvarima, ali vi ste na bini. Ne čini se da su te strukture tako loše ako se izvučete iz siromaštva, imate oca u zatvoru, pohađate Stenford, radite u Beloj kući i postanete gradonačelnik.“ A ja bih na to odgovorio da se to zove izuzetak. U smislu da prepoznajemo da je izuzetak da ljudi izađu iz tih struktura. U smislu da samim našim jezikom razumemo da su stvari koje vidimo u svetu unapred određene. I mislim da je zadatak nas, kao TED-ovaca, i kao dobrih ljudi, pravednih i moralnih ljudi, da se latimo nužnog napornog rada, ne samo susedskog udruživanja, već i angažovanja na prestrukturisanju našeg puta, puta koji se u ovoj zemlji temelji na nečemu poput verovanja u belačku superiornost. Puta koji se u ovoj zemlji temelji na nečemu poput mizoginije. Puta koji nije prohodan za jako mnogo ljudi. Mislim da danas, sutra i 2020. godine imamo šanse da to promenimo.
So as I prepare to close, I started with a story from nine years ago and I'll end with one. So after my cousin was murdered, I was lucky enough to go on the Freedom Rides with some of the original freedom riders. And they taught me a lot about restructuring the road. And one guy in particular, Bob Singleton, asked me a question I'm going to leave with us today. We were going to Anniston, Alabama, and he said, "Michael," and I said, "Yes, sir."
Dok privodim kraju, počeo sam pričom od pre devet godina i završiću još jednom. Nakon što je moj rođak ubijen, imao sam sreće da sarađujem sa grupom Putnika slobode, sa nekima od prvobitnih putnika. Naučili su me mnogo čemu o prestrukturisanju puta. Konkretno jedan od njih, Bob Singlton, postavio mi je pitanje kojim ću završiti za danas. Išli smo u Eniston u Alabami, i rekao je: „Majkl,“ a ja sam odgovorio: „Da, gospodine.“
He said, "I was arrested on August 4, 1961. Now why is that day important?"
Rekao je: „Bio sam uhapšen 4. avgusta 1961. Znaš li zašto je taj dan značajan?“
And I said, "Well, you were arrested, if you weren't arrested, we wouldn't be on this bus. if we weren't on this bus, we wouldn't have the rights we enjoy."
Odgovorio sam: „Pa bili ste uhapšeni, a da vas nisu uhapsili, ne biste bili na tom autobusu, a da niste bili u autobusu, ne bismo imali prava u kojima uživamo.“
He rolled his eyes and said, "No, son." He said, "On that day, Barack Obama was born." And then he said he had no idea that the choice he made to restructure the road would pave the way, so a child born as a second class citizen, who wouldn't be able to even get a cup of water at a counter, would have the chance, 50 years later, to be president.
Prevrnuo je očima i rekao: „Ne, sine.“ Rekao je: „Tog dana, rođen je Barak Obama.“ Potom je rekao da nije imao pojma da će odluka koju je doneo da prestrukturiše put utrti put tako da dete rođeno kao građanin drugog reda, koje inače ne bi moglo da dobije ni čašu vode na šalteru, dobije šansu da postane predsednik 50 godina kasnije.
Then he looked at me and he said, "What are you prepared to do today so that 50 years from now a child born has a chance to be president?" And I think, TED, that's the question before us today. We know things are jacked up. I think what we've seen recently isn't abnormal but a reflection of a system that's been structured to produce such crazy outcomes. But I think it's also an opportunity. Because these structures we inherit aren't acts of God but acts of men and women, they're policy choices, they're by politicians like me, approved by voters like you. And we have the chance and the awesome opportunity to do something about it.
Onda me je pogledao i rekao: „Na šta si ti spreman danas da bi za 50 godina rođeno dete imalo šansu da postane predsednik?“ I mislim, TED-ovci, da je to pitanje danas pred nama. Znamo da su stvari poremećene. Mislim da ono što vidimo u poslednje vreme nije nenormalno, već odraz sistema koji je strukturisan tako da proizvodi sulude ishode. Ali mislim da je to i prilika. Jer strukture koje nasleđujemo nisu božja dela, već dela muškaraca i žena, to su političke odluke, stvorili su ih političari poput mene, a odobrili glasači poput vas. Imamo šansu i sjajnu priliku da nešto preduzmemo u vezi sa tim.
So my question is: What are we prepared to do today, so that a child born today, 50 years from now isn't born in a society rooted in white supremacy; isn't born into a society riddled with misogyny; isn't born into a society riddled with homophobia and transphobia and anti-Semitism and Islamophobia and ableism, and all the phobias and -isms? What are we prepared to do today, so that 50 years from now we have a road in our society that's structured to reflect what we hold to be self-evident? That all men, that all women, that even all trans people are created equal and are endowed by your Creator with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
Moje pitanje je: na šta smo spremni danas, tako da dete rođeno danas, 50 godina od danas ne bude rođeno u društvu utemeljenom u belačkoj superiornosti, ne bude rođeno u društvu prožetom mizoginijom, ne bude rođeno u društvu prožetom homofobijom, transfobijom, antisemitizmom, islamofobijom, ejblizmom, i svim fobijama i izmima? Na šta smo spremni danas, tako da za 50 godina u našem društvu imamo put koji je strukturisan tako da odražava ono što smatramo očiglednim istinama? Da svi muškarci, da su sve žene, da su čak i svi trans ljudi stvoreni jednaki i da im je tvorac podario izvesna neotuđiva prava, u koja spadaju život, sloboda i potraga za srećom.
Thank you.
Hvala.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)