So a chip, a poet and a boy.
Dakle, čip, pesnik i dečak.
It's just about 20 years ago, June 1994, when Intel announced that there was a flaw at the core of their Pentium chip. Deep in the code of the SRT algorithm to calculate intermediate quotients necessary for iterative floating points of divisions -- I don't know what that means, but it's what it says on Wikipedia — there was a flaw and an error that meant that there was a certain probability that the result of the calculation would be an error, and the probability was one out of every 360 billion calculations. So Intel said your average spreadsheet would be flawed once every 27,000 years. They didn't think it was significant, but there was an outrage in the community. The community, the techies, said, this flaw has to be addressed. They were not going to stand by quietly as Intel gave them these chips. So there was a revolution across the world. People marched to demand -- okay, not really exactly like that — but they rose up and they demanded that Intel fix the flaw. And Intel set aside 475 million dollars to fund the replacement of millions of chips to fix the flaw. So billions of dollars in our society was spent to address a problem which would come once out of every 360 billion calculations.
Pre tačno 20 godina, juna 1994, Intel je objavio da postoji greška u jezgru njihovog Pentium čipa. Duboko u kodu SRT algoritma koji proračunava srednje nužne količnike iterativnih lebdećih tačaka deljenja - ne znam šta to znači, ali tako piše na Vikipediji - postojao je propust i greška, što je značilo postojanje izvesne verovatnoće da bi rezultat računanja mogao da bude pogrešan, a verovatnoća je bila jedan na svakih 360 milijardi proračuna. Intel je saopštio da će prosečna tabela imati grešku svakih 27.000 godina. Nisu pridavali značaj tome, ali zajednica je bila zgrožena. Zajednica, tehničari, zahtevali su da se greška ispravi. Nisu hteli tiho da stoje po strani dok im Intel nudi ove čipove. Nastala je revolucija širom sveta. Ljudi su krenuli u protestni marš - dobro, nije baš tako bilo - ali pobunili su se i zahtevali su od Intela da popravi grešku. I Intel je izdvojio 475 miliona dolara kako bi finansirao zamenu miliona čipova i ispravio grešku. Naše društvo je potrošilo milijarde dolara, baveći se problemom koji bi iskrsao jednom na svakih 360 milijardi proračuna.
Number two, a poet. This is Martin Niemöller. You're familiar with his poetry. Around the height of the Nazi period, he started repeating the verse, "First they came for the communists, and I did nothing, did not speak out because I was not a communist. Then they came for the socialists. Then they came for the trade unions. Then they came for the Jews. And then they came for me. But there was no one left to speak for me." Now, Niemöller is offering a certain kind of insight. This is an insight at the core of intelligence. We could call it cluefulness. It's a certain kind of test: Can you recognize an underlying threat and respond? Can you save yourself or save your kind? Turns out ants are pretty good at this. Cows, not so much. So can you see the pattern? Can you see a pattern and then recognize and do something about it? Number two. Number three, a boy. This is my friend Aaron Swartz. He's Tim's friend. He's friends of many of you in this audience, and seven years ago, Aaron came to me with a question. It was just before I was going to give my first TED Talk. I was so proud. I was telling him about my talk, "Laws that choke creativity." And Aaron looked at me and was a little impatient, and he said, "So how are you ever going to solve the problems you're talking about? Copyright policy, Internet policy, how are you ever going to address those problems so long as there's this fundamental corruption in the way our government works?"
Broj dva: pesnik. Ovo je Martin Nimoler. Poznata vam je njegova poezija. Negde na vrhuncu nacističkog perioda počeo je da ponavlja stihove: "Prvo su došli po komuniste, a ja se nisam pobunio jer nisam bio komunista. Onda su došli po socijaliste. Onda su došli po sindikalce. Onda su došli po Jevreje. A onda su došli po mene. Ali tada nije bilo više nikog da se pobuni." Nimoler nam pruža poseban vid spoznaje. Ovo je uvid u srž inteligencije. Mogli bismo to zvati potpunom osvešćenošću. To je naročit vid testa: jesi li u stanju da prepoznaš glavnu pretnju i da na nju odgovoriš? Možeš li da spaseš sebe i svoju vrstu? Izgleda da su mravi dobri u ovome. Krave baš i nisu. Da li vidite obrazac? Možete li da vidite obrazac, da ga prepoznate i potom uradite nešto po tom pitanju? Broj dva. Broj tri: dečak. Ovo je moj prijatelj Aron Švarc. On je Timov prijatelj. On je prijatelj mnogih od vas u publici. Pre sedam godina, Aron mi je prišao s pitanjem. Bilo je to neposredno pred moj prvi TED govor. Bio sam tako ponosan. Pričao sam mu o mom govoru: "Zakoni koji guše kreativnost". A Aron me je pogledao, bio je malo nestrpljiv, i rekao: "Pa kako uopšte misliš da rešiš probleme o kojima pričaš? Autorska prava, politika interneta, kako uopšte misliš da se baviš ovim problemima dokle god postoji temeljna korupcija u radu naše vlade?"
So I was a little put off by this. He wasn't sharing in my celebration. And I said to him, "You know, Aaron, it's not my field, not my field."
Malo me je izbacio iz takta. Nije delio moj entuzijazam. Rekao sam mu: "Znaš, Arone, nije to moja oblast, nije moja oblast."
He said, "You mean as an academic, it's not your field?"
Rekao je: "Misliš, nije to tvoja akademska oblast?"
I said, "Yeah, as an academic, it's not my field."
Rekao sam: "Da, nije to moja akademska oblast."
He said, "What about as a citizen? As a citizen."
Pitao je: "A građanska oblast? Tebe kao građanina?"
Now, this is the way Aaron was. He didn't tell. He asked questions. But his questions spoke as clearly as my four-year-old's hug. He was saying to me, "You've got to get a clue. You have got to get a clue, because there is a flaw at the core of the operating system of this democracy, and it's not a flaw every one out of 360 billion times our democracy tries to make a decision. It is every time, every single important issue. We've got to end the bovinity of this political society. We've got to adopt, it turns out, the word is fourmi-formatic attitude -- that's what the Internet tells me the word is -- the ant's appreciative attitude that gets us to recognize this flaw, save our kind and save our demos.
Takav je bio Aron. Nije govorio. Postavljao je pitanja. No ovo pitanje je bilo rečitije od zagrljaja mog četvorogodišnjaka. Govorio mi je: "Moraš da se osvestiš, da postaneš osvešćen, jer postoji greška u jezgru operativnog sistema ove demokratije. A ta greška se ne pojavljuje jednom u 360 milijardi puta kada naša demokratija donosi odluke. Već svaki put, prilikom svakog važnog pitanja. Moramo prestati da budemo goveda ovog političkog uređenja. Moramo da usvojimo, prava reč je fourmi-formatski stav - tako mi bar internet kaže - stav blizak mravljem, pomoću koga ćemo znati da prepoznamo grešku, spasemo svoju vrstu i svoj narod.
Now if you know Aaron Swartz, you know that we lost him just over a year ago. It was about six weeks before I gave my TED Talk, and I was so grateful to Chris that he asked me to give this TED Talk, not because I had the chance to talk to you, although that was great, but because it pulled me out of an extraordinary depression. I couldn't begin to describe the sadness. Because I had to focus. I had to focus on, what was I going to say to you? It saved me.
Ukoliko ste znali Arona Švarca, znate da smo ga izgubili pre tačno godinu dana. Bilo je to nekih šest nedelja pre mog TED govora i bio sam zahvalan Krisu što me je zamolio za taj govor, ne zato što ću razgovarati s vama, iako je i to bilo sjajno, već zato što me je to izvuklo iz užasne depresije. Bila je to neopisiva tuga. Jer sam se morao usredsrediti. Morao sam da se usredsredim na ono što sam želeo da vam kažem. To me je spasilo.
But after the buzz, the excitement, the power that comes from this community, I began to yearn for a less sterile, less academic way to address these issues, the issues that I was talking about. We'd begun to focus on New Hampshire as a target for this political movement, because the primary in New Hampshire is so incredibly important. It was a group called the New Hampshire Rebellion that was beginning to talk about, how would we make this issue of this corruption central in 2016? But it was another soul that caught my imagination, a woman named Doris Haddock, aka Granny D. On January 1, 1999, 15 years ago, at the age of 88, Granny D started a walk. She started in Los Angeles and began to walk to Washington, D.C. with a single sign on her chest that said, "campaign finance reform." Eighteen months later, at the age of 90, she arrived in Washington with hundreds following her, including many congressmen who had gotten in a car and driven out about a mile outside of the city to walk in with her. (Laughter)
No nakon ushita, uzbuđenja, snage koja dolazi iz ove zajednice, počeo sam da žudim za manje sterilnim, manje akademskim pristupom ovim pitanjima, pitanjima o kojima sam vam govorio. Usmerili smo pažnju na Nju Hempšir kao metu ovog političkog pokreta, jer su predsednički izbori u Nju Hempširu izuzetno važni. Tu je postojala grupa Njuhempširski ustanak, koja je započela priču o tome kako da pitanja vezana za korupciju, pretvorimo u centralnu temu 2016. Ali drugo biće mi je zaokupilo pažnju, žena po imenu Doris Hadok, iliti Baka D. Pre petnaest godina, 1. januara 1999, u 88. godini, Baka D je krenula u šetnju. Krenula je iz Los Anđelesa i zaputila se ka Vašingtonu, sa samo jednim znakom na grudima, na kom je pisalo: "reforma finansiranja stranaka". Nakon osamnaest meseci, u 90. godini, stigla je u Vašington sa stotinama sledbenika, uključujući i kongresmene, koji su ušli u kola i odvezli se na kilometar i po od grada kako bi šetali s njom. (Smeh)
Now, I don't have 13 months to walk across the country. I've got three kids who hate to walk, and a wife who, it turns out, still hates when I'm not there for mysterious reasons, so this was not an option, but the question I asked, could we remix Granny D a bit? What about a walk not of 3,200 miles but of 185 miles across New Hampshire in January?
Ja nemam 13 meseci da šetam državom. Imam troje dece koja mrze da šetaju i ženu koja, izgleda, još uvek mrzi kad nisam kod kuće, iz nekih čudnih razloga, tako da to nije bila opcija, ali zapitao sam se: možemo li malo da preradimo Baku D? Kako bi bilo da u januaru, umesto šetnje duge 5150 km, krenemo u šetnju dugu 298 km duž Nju Hempšira.
So on January 11, the anniversary of Aaron's death, we began a walk that ended on January 24th, the day that Granny D was born. A total of 200 people joined us across this walk, as we went from the very top to the very bottom of New Hampshire talking about this issue. And what was astonishing to me, something I completely did not expect to find, was the passion and anger that there was among everyone that we talked to about this issue. We had found in a poll that 96 percent of Americans believe it important to reduce the influence of money in politics. Now politicians and pundits tell you, there's nothing we can do about this issue, Americans don't care about it, but the reason for that is that 91 percent of Americans think there's nothing that can be done about this issue. And it's this gap between 96 and 91 that explains our politics of resignation. I mean, after all, at least 96 percent of us wish we could fly like Superman, but because at least 91 percent of us believe we can't, we don't leap off of tall buildings every time we have that urge. That's because we accept our limits, and so too with this reform. But when you give people the sense of hope, you begin to thaw that absolute sense of impossibility. As Harvey Milk said, if you give 'em hope, you give 'em a chance, a way to think about how this change is possible. Hope. And hope is the one thing that we, Aaron's friends, failed him with, because we let him lose that sense of hope. I loved that boy like I love my son. But we failed him. And I love my country, and I'm not going to fail that. I'm not going to fail that. That sense of hope, we're going to hold, and we're going to fight for, however impossible this battle looks.
Tako smo 11. januara, na godišnjicu Aronove smrti, započeli šetnju koja je završena 24. januara, na dan rođenja Bake D. Tokom šetnje ukupno 200 ljudi nam se pridružilo, dok smo išli od samog vrha do samog kraja Nju Hempšira, raspravljajući o ovom pitanju. I ono što me zaprepastilo, nešto što uopšte nisam očekivao, bili su strast i bes prisutni kod svih s kojima smo razgovarali o tome. Saznali smo iz ankete da 96 procenata Amerikanaca veruje da je važno umanjiti uticaj novca na politiku. Političari i stručnjaci će vam reći kako tu nema pomoći, Amerikanci ne mare za to, a razlog tome je što 91 procenat Amerikanaca smatra da se ne može ništa uraditi po tom pitanju. I ovaj jaz između 96 i 91 objašnjava našu politiku rezignacije. Mislim, konačno, bar nas 96 posto bismo voleli da letimo poput Supermena, ali zato što bar 91 posto nas veruje da ne možemo, ne skačemo sa visokih zgrada svaki put kad nam se prohte. Zbog toga prihvatamo i naša ograničenja kada je ova reforma u pitanju. Ali kada date ljudima osećaj nade, to osećanje potpune nemoći počinje da kopni. Kako je Harvi Milk govorio: ako im daš nadu, dao si im priliku, način da misle kako je promena moguća. Nada. A nada je nešto u čemu smo mi, Aronovi prijatelji, omanuli, jer smo dozvolili da on izgubi taj osećaj nade. Voleo sam tog dečaka kao rođenog sina. Ali izneverili smo ga. Ja volim svoju zemlju i tu neću da omanem. Tu neću da omanem. Držaćemo se tog osećaja nade i borićemo se za njega, koliko god se ova borba bude činila nemogućom.
What's next? Well, we started with this march with 200 people, and next year, there will be 1,000 on different routes that march in the month of January and meet in Concord to celebrate this cause, and then in 2016, before the primary, there will be 10,000 who march across that state, meeting in Concord to celebrate this cause. And as we have marched, people around the country have begun to say, "Can we do the same thing in our state?" So we've started a platform called G.D. Walkers, that is, Granny D walkers, and Granny D walkers across the country will be marching for this reform. Number one. Number two, on this march, one of the founders of Thunderclap, David Cascino, was with us, and he said, "Well what can we do?" And so they developed a platform, which we are announcing today, that allows us to pull together voters who are committed to this idea of reform. Regardless of where you are, in New Hampshire or outside of New Hampshire, you can sign up and directly be informed where the candidates are on this issue so you can decide who to vote for as a function of which is going to make this possibility real. And then finally number three, the hardest. We're in the age of the Super PAC. Indeed yesterday, Merriam announced that Merriam-Webster will have Super PAC as a word. It is now an official word in the dictionary. So on May 1, aka May Day, we're going to try an experiment. We're going to try a launching of what we can think of as a Super PAC to end all Super PACs. And the basic way this works is this. For the last year, we have been working with analysts and political experts to calculate, how much would it cost to win enough votes in the United States Congress to make fundamental reform possible? What is that number? Half a billion? A billion? What is that number? And then whatever that number is, we are going to kickstart, sort of, because you can't use KickStarter for political work, but anyway, kickstart, sort of, first a bottom-up campaign where people will make small dollar commitments contingent on reaching very ambitious goals, and when those goals have been reached, we will turn to the large dollar contributors, to get them to contribute to make it possible for us to run the kind of Super PAC necessary to win this issue, to change the way money influences politics, so that on November 8, which I discovered yesterday is the day that Aaron would have been 30 years old, on November 8, we will celebrate 218 representatives in the House and 60 Senators in the United States Senate who have committed to this idea of fundamental reform.
Šta je sledeće? Započeli smo ovaj marš s 200 ljudi, sledeće godine će ih biti 1000 na različitim putanjama, marširaće tokom januara meseca i srešće se u Konkordu da proslave ovaj cilj, a zatim 2016, pre predsedničkih izbora, biće nas 10.000 koji marširamo zemljom i srešćemo se u Konkordu da proslavimo svoj cilj. Dok smo marširali, širom zemlje ljudi su nas pitali: "Možemo li mi isto ovako u našoj državi?" Zato smo započeli platformu nazvanu Šetači B.D., to jest, Šetači bake D, a Šetači bake D će marširati duž zemlje u ime ove reforme. Broj jedan. Broj dva: sa nama je, na ovom maršu, bio i jedan od osnivača Tanderklapa, Dejvid Kasino, i pitao je: "Šta možemo da učinimo?" Pa su razvili platformu, koju objavljujemo danas, koja će nam omogućiti da okupimo glasače koji su posvećeni ovoj ideji reforme. Bez obzira gde bili, u Nju Hempširu ili van Nju Hempšira, možete se prijaviti i biti informisani o stavu kandidata po ovom pitanju i tako odlučiti za koga da glasate, što će za posledicu imati ostvarenje ove mogućnosti. I konačno broj tri, najteže. Živimo u dobu Super PAC-a. Zaista, juče je Merijam objavila da će Merijam-Vebsterov rečnik uključiti i reč Super PAC. To je sad zvanična reč u rečniku. Zato ćemo 1. maja, iliti na Mejdej, isprobati jedan eksperiment. Pokušaćemo da lansiramo, nešto što smatramo Super PAC-om koji će dokrajčiti sve Super PAC-ove. Ovo funkcioniše na sledeći način. U protekloj godini smo radili sa analitičarima i političkim ekspertima kako bi izračunali koliko bi nas koštalo da obezbedimo dovoljno glasova u kongresu SAD-a i time omogućimo ovu temeljnu reformu. Koja je to cifra? Pola milijarde? Milijardu? Koja je to cifra? I onda, koja god to cifra bila stavićemo ponudu, poput onih na Kikstarteru, jer je Kikstarter zabranjen u politici, ali nešto slično Kikstarteru. Započećemo kampanju odozdo. Ljudi će prvo davati manje donacije u dolarima, od njih će zavisti dostizanje izuzetno ambicioznih ciljeva, a kada se ti ciljevi ostvare okrenućemo se većim donatorima, kako bismo ih nagovorili da doprinesu što je više moguće osnivanju neke vrste Super PAC-a, neophodnog da bismo pobedili ovaj problem, da bismo promenili uticaj novca na politiku i 8. novembra, juče sam saznao da je to dan kada bi Aron napunio 30 godina, 8. novembra ćemo slaviti 218 zastupnika u parlamentu i 60 senatora u senatu SAD-a, koji će biti posvećeni ideji ove suštinske reforme.
So last night, we heard about wishes. Here's my wish. May one. May the ideals of one boy unite one nation behind one critical idea that we are one people, we are the people who were promised a government, a government that was promised to be dependent upon the people alone, the people, who, as Madison told us, meant not the rich more than the poor. May one. And then may you, may you join this movement, not because you're a politician, not because you're an expert, not because this is your field, but because if you are, you are a citizen. Aaron asked me that. Now I've asked you.
Sinoć smo slušali želje. Evo moje želje. Prvi maj. Neka ideali jednog dečaka ujedine jednu naciju oko jedne sudbonosne ideje da smo svi mi jedan narod, narod kome je obećana vlada, vlada koja je obećala da će da zavisi samo i isključivo od naroda, narod, kako nam je Medison rekao, ne čine više bogati od siromašnih. Prvi maj. I možeš li ti prvi, prvi ti da se priključiš pokretu, ne zato što si političar, ne zato što si ekspert, ne zato što je to tvoja oblast, već zato što, ako nešto jesi, jesi građanin? Aron me je to pitao. Sad ja pitam vas.
Thank you very much.
Hvala vam mnogo.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)