So a chip, a poet and a boy.
Nje mikroçip, nje poet dhe nje djale.
It's just about 20 years ago, June 1994, when Intel announced that there was a flaw at the core of their Pentium chip. Deep in the code of the SRT algorithm to calculate intermediate quotients necessary for iterative floating points of divisions -- I don't know what that means, but it's what it says on Wikipedia — there was a flaw and an error that meant that there was a certain probability that the result of the calculation would be an error, and the probability was one out of every 360 billion calculations. So Intel said your average spreadsheet would be flawed once every 27,000 years. They didn't think it was significant, but there was an outrage in the community. The community, the techies, said, this flaw has to be addressed. They were not going to stand by quietly as Intel gave them these chips. So there was a revolution across the world. People marched to demand -- okay, not really exactly like that — but they rose up and they demanded that Intel fix the flaw. And Intel set aside 475 million dollars to fund the replacement of millions of chips to fix the flaw. So billions of dollars in our society was spent to address a problem which would come once out of every 360 billion calculations.
Ishte rreth 20 vjet me pare, ne Qershor 1994, kur Intel lajmeroi se kishte nje mangesi ne qender te mikroçipit Pentium. Thelle ne kodin e algoritmit SRT per llogaritjen e koeficienteve te ndermjetem te nevojshem per shperndarjen e pikave te perseritshme te luhatshme -- nuk e di se cfare do te thote kjo, por keshtu thote Wikipedia -- eshte nje gabim dhe nje e mete qe do te thote se eshte nje mundesi qe rezultati i llogaritjeve mund te dale gabim, dhe mundesia eshte nje ne cdo 360 miliard llogaritje. Keshtu Intel tha qe tabela e llogaritjes tuaj do te jete me gabime nje here ne 27.000 vjet. Ata nuk menduan se kjo ishte e rendesishme, por kishte nje pergjigje agresive ne komunitet. Komuniteti, te apasionuarit e teknologjise, thane se kjo mangesi duhet te adresohet. Ata nuk do te rrinin kembekryq nderkohe qe Intel i jepte atyre keto mikrocipe. Keshtu filloi nje revolucion perreth botes. Njerezit marshuan per te kerkuar -- jo ekzaktesisht keshtu -- por ata u ngriten dhe kerkuan qe Intel te rregullonte kete mangesi. Dhe Intel investoi 475 milion dollare per te financuar zevendesimin e ketij mikrocipi per te rregulluar kete te mete. Keshtu miliarda dollar ne shoqerine tone u shpenzuan per te adresuar problemin qe do te lindte nje here ne cdo 360 miliard llogaritje.
Number two, a poet. This is Martin Niemöller. You're familiar with his poetry. Around the height of the Nazi period, he started repeating the verse, "First they came for the communists, and I did nothing, did not speak out because I was not a communist. Then they came for the socialists. Then they came for the trade unions. Then they came for the Jews. And then they came for me. But there was no one left to speak for me." Now, Niemöller is offering a certain kind of insight. This is an insight at the core of intelligence. We could call it cluefulness. It's a certain kind of test: Can you recognize an underlying threat and respond? Can you save yourself or save your kind? Turns out ants are pretty good at this. Cows, not so much. So can you see the pattern? Can you see a pattern and then recognize and do something about it? Number two. Number three, a boy. This is my friend Aaron Swartz. He's Tim's friend. He's friends of many of you in this audience, and seven years ago, Aaron came to me with a question. It was just before I was going to give my first TED Talk. I was so proud. I was telling him about my talk, "Laws that choke creativity." And Aaron looked at me and was a little impatient, and he said, "So how are you ever going to solve the problems you're talking about? Copyright policy, Internet policy, how are you ever going to address those problems so long as there's this fundamental corruption in the way our government works?"
Numri dy, nje poet. Ky eshte Martin Niemöller. Ju e njihni poezine e tij. Ne kulmin e periudhes naziste, ai filloi te perseriste vargjet, "Ne fillim ata erdhen per komunistet, dhe une nuk bera gje, nuk fola sepse une nuk isha komunist. Me pas ata erdhen per socialistet. Dhe me pas ata erdhen per sindikatat. Dhe me pas erdhen per hebrejte. Dhe me pas erdhen per mua. Por nuk kishte mbetuar asnje qe te fliste per mua." Tani, Niemöller po ofron nje pikeveshtrim ne brendesi. Ky eshte nje pikeveshtrim ne thelb te inteligjences. Ne mund ta quajme ate kuptueshmeri. Eshte nje lloj sprove: A mund te dallosh nje kercenim te fshehur dhe te kunderpergjigjesh? A mundesh te shpetosh veten dhe te shpetosh llojin tend? Rezulton se milingonat jane shume te afta ne kete. Lopet, jo aq shume. A mund ta shohesh motivin? A mund te shohesh motivin, ta dallosh dhe te besh dicka per kete? Numri dy. Numri tre, nje djale. Ky eshte shoku im Aaron Swartz. Ai eshte shoku i Timit. Ai ishte shok me shume nga ju ne publik, dhe shtate vjet me pare, Aaron erdhi tek une me nje pyetje. Ishte pak me pare se une te mbaja fjalimin tim te pare ne TED. Isha kaq shume krenar. Isha duke i treguar atij per fjalimin tim, "Ligjet qe mbysin kreativitetin". Dhe Aron me pa ishte pak i paduruar dhe me tha: "E pra, si do t'i zgjidhesh ndonjehere problemet per te cilat po flet? Politikat e te drejtes se autorit, politikat e Internetit, si do ti adresosh keto probleme per aq kohe sa eshte nje korrupsion i brendshem ne menyren qe punon qeveria jone?
So I was a little put off by this. He wasn't sharing in my celebration. And I said to him, "You know, Aaron, it's not my field, not my field."
Keshtu qe isha pak i demoralizuar nga kjo. Ai nuk po e ndante me mua gezimin tim. Dhe une i thashe atij " E di Aron, nuk eshte fusha ime, nuk eshte fusha ime."
He said, "You mean as an academic, it's not your field?"
Ai me tha, "Do te thuash si akademik nuk eshte fusha jote?"
I said, "Yeah, as an academic, it's not my field."
"Po si akademik, nuk eshte fusha ime" i thashe.
He said, "What about as a citizen? As a citizen."
Ai me tha, "Po si qytetar? Si nje qytetar."
Now, this is the way Aaron was. He didn't tell. He asked questions. But his questions spoke as clearly as my four-year-old's hug. He was saying to me, "You've got to get a clue. You have got to get a clue, because there is a flaw at the core of the operating system of this democracy, and it's not a flaw every one out of 360 billion times our democracy tries to make a decision. It is every time, every single important issue. We've got to end the bovinity of this political society. We've got to adopt, it turns out, the word is fourmi-formatic attitude -- that's what the Internet tells me the word is -- the ant's appreciative attitude that gets us to recognize this flaw, save our kind and save our demos.
Keshtu ishte Aron. Ai nuk te tregonte. Ai te bente pyetje. Por pyetjet e tij flisnin aq qarte sa perqafimet e djalit tim kater vjecar. Ai po me thoshte, "Ti duhet te gjesh nje menyre. Ti duhet te gjesh nje ide, sepse atje eshte nje e mete ne thelb te sistemit operues te kesaj demokracie, dhe nuk eshte nje e mete ne 360 miliard here qe demokracia jone perpiqet te marre nje vendim. Eshte cdo here, ne cdo ceshtje te rendesishme. Ne duhet ti japim fund kesaj mungese sinqeriteti ne shoqerine politike. Ne duhet te adaptojme, fjala eshte "sjelljen e milingonave" -- kjo eshte ajo qe interneti me jep per kete fjale -- natyra vleresuese e milingonave qe na con ne te njohim kete te mete, te shpetojme llojin tone dhe te shpetojme popullin tone.
Now if you know Aaron Swartz, you know that we lost him just over a year ago. It was about six weeks before I gave my TED Talk, and I was so grateful to Chris that he asked me to give this TED Talk, not because I had the chance to talk to you, although that was great, but because it pulled me out of an extraordinary depression. I couldn't begin to describe the sadness. Because I had to focus. I had to focus on, what was I going to say to you? It saved me.
Tani nese e njihni Aaron Swartz, ju e dini qe ai nderroi jete rreth nje vit me pare. Ishte rreth gjashte jave para se une te jepja fjalimin tim ne TED, dhe une i isha kaq mirenjohes Chris qe me kerkoi te jepja kete fjalim, jo vetem se kisha mundesine te bisedoja me ju, edhe pse kjo eshte e mrekullueshme, por sepse me nxori nga nje depresion i jashtezakonshem. Nuk mund ta pershkruaj ate trishtim. Sepse me duhej te fokusohesha. Duhet te fokusohesha se cfare do tju thosha juve? Me shpetoi mua.
But after the buzz, the excitement, the power that comes from this community, I began to yearn for a less sterile, less academic way to address these issues, the issues that I was talking about. We'd begun to focus on New Hampshire as a target for this political movement, because the primary in New Hampshire is so incredibly important. It was a group called the New Hampshire Rebellion that was beginning to talk about, how would we make this issue of this corruption central in 2016? But it was another soul that caught my imagination, a woman named Doris Haddock, aka Granny D. On January 1, 1999, 15 years ago, at the age of 88, Granny D started a walk. She started in Los Angeles and began to walk to Washington, D.C. with a single sign on her chest that said, "campaign finance reform." Eighteen months later, at the age of 90, she arrived in Washington with hundreds following her, including many congressmen who had gotten in a car and driven out about a mile outside of the city to walk in with her. (Laughter)
Por pas zhurmes, emocioneve, fuqia qe vjen nga ky komunitet, fillova te kerkoja per nje menyre me pak sterile, me pak akademike per te adresuar keto ceshtje, ceshtjet per te cilat do te flas me ju. Ne kemi filluar te shikojme New Hampshire si objektiv per kete levizje politike, sepse faza e pare e zgjedhjeve ne New Hampshire eshte shume te rendesishme. Ishte nje grup qe quhej Rebelimi i New Hampshire qe kishte filluar te fliste sesi mund te bejme ceshtjet e lidhura me korrupsionin ceshtje qendrore ne 2016? Por ishte nje njeri tjeter qe kapi imagjinaten time, nje grua qe quhej Doris Haddok, Gjyshja D. Ne 1 janar 1999, 15 vite me pare, ne moshen 88 vjecare, Gjyshja D. filloi nje marshim. Ajo e nisi ne Los Angeles dhe filloi te eci drejt Washington D.C me nje tabele te vetme ne trup qe thoshte, "reformoni financimin e fushates politike". 18 muaj me vone, ne moshen 90 vjecare, ajo arriti ne Washington e ndjekur nga qindra vete, duke perfshire shume kongresmen qe erdhen me makine deri aty afer, rreth nje milje jashte qytetit qe te ecnin me te. (Te qeshura)
Now, I don't have 13 months to walk across the country. I've got three kids who hate to walk, and a wife who, it turns out, still hates when I'm not there for mysterious reasons, so this was not an option, but the question I asked, could we remix Granny D a bit? What about a walk not of 3,200 miles but of 185 miles across New Hampshire in January?
Tani, une nuk kam 13 muaj qe te eci permes vendit. Kam tre femije qe urrejne te ecin, dhe nje grua, qe kam vene re, qe cuditerisht akoma e urren faktin qe une mungoj aty. Keshtu qe kjo nuk eshte e mundur, por bera pyetjen, a mund te frymezohemi pak nga Gjyshja D? Po sikur ky marshim te jete jo 5000 km por 300 km permes New Hampshire ne Janar?
So on January 11, the anniversary of Aaron's death, we began a walk that ended on January 24th, the day that Granny D was born. A total of 200 people joined us across this walk, as we went from the very top to the very bottom of New Hampshire talking about this issue. And what was astonishing to me, something I completely did not expect to find, was the passion and anger that there was among everyone that we talked to about this issue. We had found in a poll that 96 percent of Americans believe it important to reduce the influence of money in politics. Now politicians and pundits tell you, there's nothing we can do about this issue, Americans don't care about it, but the reason for that is that 91 percent of Americans think there's nothing that can be done about this issue. And it's this gap between 96 and 91 that explains our politics of resignation. I mean, after all, at least 96 percent of us wish we could fly like Superman, but because at least 91 percent of us believe we can't, we don't leap off of tall buildings every time we have that urge. That's because we accept our limits, and so too with this reform. But when you give people the sense of hope, you begin to thaw that absolute sense of impossibility. As Harvey Milk said, if you give 'em hope, you give 'em a chance, a way to think about how this change is possible. Hope. And hope is the one thing that we, Aaron's friends, failed him with, because we let him lose that sense of hope. I loved that boy like I love my son. But we failed him. And I love my country, and I'm not going to fail that. I'm not going to fail that. That sense of hope, we're going to hold, and we're going to fight for, however impossible this battle looks.
Keshtu qe ne 11 Janar, ne pervjetorin e vdekjes se Aaron, ne filluam nje marshim qe perfundoi ne 24 Janar, ne diten e lindjes se Gjyshes D. 200 persona na u bashkuan ne kete marshim, nderkohe qe i rame lart e poshte New Hampshire duke folur per kete ceshtje. Dhe ajo qe eshte befasuese per mua, dicka qe nuk e prisja ta gjeja, eshte pasioni dhe zemerimi qe ishte pothuaj tek te gjithe me te cilet folem per kete ceshtje. Ne kemi gjetur nga nje sondazh se 96% e Amerikaneve besojne se eshte e rendesishme te reduktojne influencen e parave ne politike. Politikanet dhe ekspertet ju thone, se nuk ka asgje qe mund te bejme per kete ceshtje. Amerikanet nuk interesohen per kete gje, por asyeja eshte se 91% e amerikaneve mendojne se nuk ka asgje qe mund te bejne per kete ceshtje. Dhe ky hendek ndermjet 96 dhe 91 shpjegon heqjen dore nga politika. Ajo qe dua te them eshte se pavaresisht, 96% nga ne deshironte te fluturonte si Superman, por per faktin se 91% prej nesh beson se nuk mund ta beje, ne nuk kercejme nga ndertesa te larta sa here qe e kemi kete nevoje. Kjo sepse ne i pranojme limitet tona, dhe eshte e njejta gje ne kete reforme. Por kur i jepni njerezve kete ndjenjen e shpreses, ata fillojne te largojne kete perceptimin absolut te pamundesise. Ashtu sic ka thene Harvey Milk, nese i jepni atyre shprese, ju i jepni atyre nje mundesi, nje menyre per te menduar sesi ky ndryshim mund te jete i mundur. Shprese. Dhe shpresa eshte nje gje qe ne, miqte e Aronit, deshtuam me te, sepse e lame ate te humbte shpresen e tij. Une e doja ate djale ashtu sic dua djalin tim. Por ne deshtuam me te. Une e dua vendin tim, dhe nuk kam per te deshtuar ne kete. Nuk kam per te deshtuar ne kete. Ne do ta mbajm kete ndjenje shprese, ne do te luftojme per te, sado e pamundur qe te duket kjo beteje.
What's next? Well, we started with this march with 200 people, and next year, there will be 1,000 on different routes that march in the month of January and meet in Concord to celebrate this cause, and then in 2016, before the primary, there will be 10,000 who march across that state, meeting in Concord to celebrate this cause. And as we have marched, people around the country have begun to say, "Can we do the same thing in our state?" So we've started a platform called G.D. Walkers, that is, Granny D walkers, and Granny D walkers across the country will be marching for this reform. Number one. Number two, on this march, one of the founders of Thunderclap, David Cascino, was with us, and he said, "Well what can we do?" And so they developed a platform, which we are announcing today, that allows us to pull together voters who are committed to this idea of reform. Regardless of where you are, in New Hampshire or outside of New Hampshire, you can sign up and directly be informed where the candidates are on this issue so you can decide who to vote for as a function of which is going to make this possibility real. And then finally number three, the hardest. We're in the age of the Super PAC. Indeed yesterday, Merriam announced that Merriam-Webster will have Super PAC as a word. It is now an official word in the dictionary. So on May 1, aka May Day, we're going to try an experiment. We're going to try a launching of what we can think of as a Super PAC to end all Super PACs. And the basic way this works is this. For the last year, we have been working with analysts and political experts to calculate, how much would it cost to win enough votes in the United States Congress to make fundamental reform possible? What is that number? Half a billion? A billion? What is that number? And then whatever that number is, we are going to kickstart, sort of, because you can't use KickStarter for political work, but anyway, kickstart, sort of, first a bottom-up campaign where people will make small dollar commitments contingent on reaching very ambitious goals, and when those goals have been reached, we will turn to the large dollar contributors, to get them to contribute to make it possible for us to run the kind of Super PAC necessary to win this issue, to change the way money influences politics, so that on November 8, which I discovered yesterday is the day that Aaron would have been 30 years old, on November 8, we will celebrate 218 representatives in the House and 60 Senators in the United States Senate who have committed to this idea of fundamental reform.
Cfare ndodhi me pas? Ne e filluam kete ne mars, me 200 njerez, dhe vitin tjeter, do te jene 1000 ne rruge te ndryshme qe marshojne ne muajin janar dhe takohen ne Concord per te festuar kete ceshtje, dhe me pas ne 2016, perpara fazes se pare te zgjedhjeve, do te jene 10 mije vete qe marshojne permes shtetit, qe takohen ne Concord per te festuar kete ceshtje. Dhe ndersa kemi marshuar, njerez perreth vendit kane filluar te thone, "A mund te bejme te njejten gje ne shtetin tone?" Keshtu qe kemi filluar nje platforme e quajtur G.D.Walkers, qe eshte per Marshuesit e Gjyshe D, dhe marshuesit e Gjyshes D do te marshojne permes vendit per kete reforme. Numri nje. Numri dy, ne kete marshim, nje nga themeluesit e Thunderclap, David Cascino, ishte me ne, dhe ai tha "Cfare mund te bejme ne?" Dhe ata zhvilluan nje platforme, te cilen ne po e shpallim sot, qe na lejon ne te bashkojme bashke votues te cilet i jane perkushtuar kesaj ideje te reformes. Nese jeni edhe ju, ne New Hampshire apo jashte tij, ju mund te firmosni dhe te informoheni menjehere se cilet jane kandidatet te lidhur me keto ceshtje keshtu ju mund te vendosni se per ke te votoni ne funksion te asaj qe ta bejme kete mundesi reale. Dhe me ne fund numer 3, me i veshtiri. Ne jemi ne epoken e Super PAC. Ne fakt dje, Merriam shpalli se Merriam-Webster do ta kete Super PAC si nje fjale. Tani eshte nje fjale zyrtare ne fjalor. Keshtu qe me 1 maj, ndryshe May Day, ne do te perpiqemi te bejme nje eksperiment. Ne do te perpiqemi te fillojme ate qe ne e mendojme si Super PAC per te perfunduar te gjithe Super PAC-et. Dhe menyra sesi kjo punon eshte keshtu. Gjate vitit te fundit, ne kemi punuar me analistet dhe ekspertet politik per te llogaritur, sa shume do te kushtonte te fitojme mjaftueshem vota ne Kongresin e Shteteve te Bashkuara per te bere reformat themelore te mundshme? Cili eshte ai numer? Gjysem miliardi? Nje miliard? Cili eshte ai numer? Dhe cilido qofte ai numer, ne do te fillojme nje financojme me Kickstart, ne njefare menyre, sepse nuk mund te perdoresh KickStarter per arsye politike, por sidoqofte, te financojme ne nje fare menyre si fillim fushaten nga poshte lart ku njerezit do te financojne pak dollare nje kontigjent per te arritur qellime shume ambicioze, dhe kur te arrihen keto qellime, ne do te shkojme tek kontribuesit e shumave te medha, ne menyre qe ata qe te kontribuojne per te bere te mundur qe ne te fillojme kete Super PAC te nevojshem per te fituar kete ceshtje, per te ndryshuar menyren sesi paraja influencon politiken, keshtu qe me 8 nentor, qe e zbulova dje se eshte dita qe Aron do te ishte 30 vjec, ne 8 nentor, ne do te festojme 218 perfaqesuesit ne Shtepine e Bardhe dhe 60 Senatore ne Senatin e SHBA te cilet i jane perkushtuar kesaj ideje te nje reforme themelore.
So last night, we heard about wishes. Here's my wish. May one. May the ideals of one boy unite one nation behind one critical idea that we are one people, we are the people who were promised a government, a government that was promised to be dependent upon the people alone, the people, who, as Madison told us, meant not the rich more than the poor. May one. And then may you, may you join this movement, not because you're a politician, not because you're an expert, not because this is your field, but because if you are, you are a citizen. Aaron asked me that. Now I've asked you.
Keshtu mbreme, ne degjuam mbi deshirat. Ja cila eshte deshira ime. Me nje maj. Le te jene idealet e nje djali ato qe bashkojne nje vend pas nje ideje kritike se ne jemi nje popull, se ne jemi populli qe i kane premtuar nje qeveri, nje qeveri qe i eshte premtuar te jete e varur nga populli te cilet, ashtu sic na tha Madison, do te thote jo te pasurit me shume sesa te varferit. Me nje maj. Dhe me pas le te jeni ju, qe i bashkoheni kesaj levizje, jo sepse jeni nje politikan, jo sepse jeni nje ekspert, jo sepse kjo eshte fusha jote, por se nese je, ti je nje qytetar. Aaroni ma kerkoi mua kete. Tani une po jua kerkoj juve.
Thank you very much.
Shume falemnderit.
(Applause)
(Duartrokitje)