I'd like to try something new. Those of you who are able, please stand up. OK, so I'm going to name some names. When you hear a name that you don't recognize, you can't tell me anything about them, I'd like you to take a seat and stay seated. The last person standing, we're going to see what they know. OK?
我想要尝试一些新的事情。 能够参与的人 请站起来一下。 接下来我要列出一些名字。 当你听到一个从没听过的名字, 关于这个名字你什么也不知道, 你就可以先坐下了。 一直坐着 最后站着的人,我们会看看他们知道什么,好吗?
(Laughter)
(笑声)
All right. Eric Garner. Mike Brown. Tamir Rice. Freddie Gray.
好的。 埃里克·加纳。 马克·布朗。 泰米尔·莱斯。 弗雷迪·格雷。
So those of you who are still standing, I'd like you to turn around and take a look. I'd say half to most of the people are still standing. So let's continue.
所以现在还站着的人们, 请你们看一下周围。 差不多过半数的人还都站着。 所以我们继续。
Michelle Cusseaux. Tanisha Anderson. Aura Rosser. Meagan Hockaday.
米歇尔·柯索。 特妮莎·安德森。 奥拉·罗瑟。 梅根·浩柯蒂。
So if we look around again, there are about four people still standing, and actually I'm not going to put you on the spot. I just say that to encourage transparency, so you can be seated.
如果现在再看看周围, 差不多还有四个人站着, 其实我并不打算赶鸭子上架。 当时说那话是为了鼓励公平透明, 你们现在可以坐下了。
(Laughter)
(笑声)
So those of you who recognized the first group of names know that these were African-Americans who have been killed by the police over the last two and a half years. What you may not know is that the other list is also African-Americans who have been killed within the last two years. Only one thing distinguishes the names that you know from the names that you don't know: gender.
所以那些认出第一组名字的人知道 这些是在过去的两年半中 被警察杀掉的非裔美国人。 但你们可能不知道的是, 另外一份名单也是在过去的两年内 被警察杀掉的非裔美国人。 这两组名单中 唯一的不同之处在于: 性别。
So let me first let you know that there's nothing at all distinct about this audience that explains the pattern of recognition that we've just seen. I've done this exercise dozens of times around the country. I've done it to women's rights organizations. I've done it with civil rights groups. I've done it with professors. I've done it with students. I've done it with psychologists. I've done it with sociologists. I've done it even with progressive members of Congress. And everywhere, the awareness of the level of police violence that black women experience is exceedingly low.
首先我想告诉大家 你们并不存在什么特殊的地方 可以用来解释我们刚才看到的认知模式。 这个实验我在全国范围内做过好多次。 我在女权组织中做过这个实验, 我在民权组织中做过这个实验。 我对教授、学生、心理学家、 社会学家都做过这个实验。 我甚至还对国会进步分子做过这个实验。 不管在哪里, 黑人女性受到警察暴力的事件 都少有人关注。
Now, it is surprising, isn't it, that this would be the case. I mean, there are two issues involved here. There's police violence against African-Americans, and there's violence against women, two issues that have been talked about a lot lately. But when we think about who is implicated by these problems, when we think about who is victimized by these problems, the names of these black women never come to mind.
这个情况是有些出人意料的, 因为这里涉及到两个问题。 一是非裔美国人受到的警察暴力, 而是女性受到的暴力。 这是两个我们最近经常提到的问题。 但是如果当我们去想这些问题的牵连者, 这些问题的受害者的时候, 这些黑人女性的名字就想不起来了。
Now, communications experts tell us that when facts do not fit with the available frames, people have a difficult time incorporating new facts into their way of thinking about a problem. These women's names have slipped through our consciousness because there are no frames for us to see them, no frames for us to remember them, no frames for us to hold them. As a consequence, reporters don't lead with them, policymakers don't think about them, and politicians aren't encouraged or demanded that they speak to them.
交流专家告诉我们, 当事实与已有框架不符时, 人们很难用已有的思考方式 去思考新给出的事实。 在我们脑中, 这些女性的名字被一带而过, 因为我们的思维框架 不容许我们 看到或者是记住它们。 因此, 记者不会做头条报道, 当权者不予考虑, 政治家不被鼓励或者要求 去谈及她们。
Now, you might ask, why does a frame matter? I mean, after all, an issue that affects black people and an issue that affects women, wouldn't that necessarily include black people who are women and women who are black people? Well, the simple answer is that this is a trickle-down approach to social justice, and many times it just doesn't work. Without frames that allow us to see how social problems impact all the members of a targeted group, many will fall through the cracks of our movements, left to suffer in virtual isolation. But it doesn't have to be this way.
你可能会问, 思维框架能有什么作用呢? 毕竟, 涉及到黑人和女性的问题 不就包括女性黑人 或黑人女性吗? 简单来说, 这就是社会公平的涓滴效应, 而且很多时候根本不起作用。 没有一个思维框架能让我们看到 社会问题是怎样影响到 整个目标人群的, 我们根本就不会为这些问题所动, 更不用说忍受精神上的孤立了。 但是事情不一定非要这样。
Many years ago, I began to use the term "intersectionality" to deal with the fact that many of our social justice problems like racism and sexism are often overlapping, creating multiple levels of social injustice.
很多年前,我开始用”交叉性“这个词 来描述在很多社会公正问题中, 像种族主义和性别主义 经常是重叠的这样一个现象, 它带来多方面的社会不公。
Now, the experience that gave rise to intersectionality was my chance encounter with a woman named Emma DeGraffenreid. Emma DeGraffenreid was an African-American woman, a working wife and a mother. I actually read about Emma's story from the pages of a legal opinion written by a judge who had dismissed Emma's claim of race and gender discrimination against a local car manufacturing plant. Emma, like so many African-American women, sought better employment for her family and for others. She wanted to create a better life for her children and for her family. But she applied for a job, and she was not hired, and she believed that she was not hired because she was a black woman.
而引起了我对这种交叉性的注意的, 是与一个名为艾玛·德格芬雷的女性的偶遇 艾玛·德格芬雷是一名非裔美国女性、 一位工作的妻子兼母亲。 我实际上是从一个法律观点的界面上 读到艾玛的故事, 而写这个的法官驳回了 她对当地一家汽车生产公司 种族和性别歧视的上诉请求。 艾玛,像其他众多非裔美国女性一样, 期望为家庭和他人争取更好的就业机会 她想为孩子和家庭带来更好的生活。 她应聘了一份工作, 但是并没有被雇佣, 而她认为原因就在于她是一名黑人女性。
Now, the judge in question dismissed Emma's suit, and the argument for dismissing the suit was that the employer did hire African-Americans and the employer hired women. The real problem, though, that the judge was not willing to acknowledge was what Emma was actually trying to say, that the African-Americans that were hired, usually for industrial jobs, maintenance jobs, were all men. And the women that were hired, usually for secretarial or front-office work, were all white. Only if the court was able to see how these policies came together would he be able to see the double discrimination that Emma DeGraffenreid was facing. But the court refused to allow Emma to put two causes of action together to tell her story because he believed that, by allowing her to do that, she would be able to have preferential treatment. She would have an advantage by having two swings at the bat, when African-American men and white women only had one swing at the bat. But of course, neither African-American men or white women needed to combine a race and gender discrimination claim to tell the story of the discrimination they were experiencing. Why wasn't the real unfairness law's refusal to protect African-American women simply because their experiences weren't exactly the same as white women and African-American men? Rather than broadening the frame to include African-American women, the court simply tossed their case completely out of court.
而这个问题中的法官 驳回了她的申诉, 理由是这家生产公司的老板 雇佣了非裔美国人, 也雇佣了女性。 其中的关键, 虽然法官并不愿意承认, 也是艾玛真正想说的 是那些受雇的非裔美国人, 通常在工业职位和维护职位, 都是男性。 而受雇的女性 通常在秘书或前台之类的职位 都是白人。 如果法官能够看到 这些政策的结合 他就能注意到 艾玛·德格芬雷受到的双重歧视。 但是法官不许艾玛把这两个原因联系到一起 去讲述她的故事 因为他坚信如果允许艾玛这样做, 她就能够享受优惠待遇。 她就比单讲非裔美国男性和白人女性 多了一倍胜算。 当然,非裔美国人和白人女性也并不需要 结合种族和性别 来讨论他们受到的歧视。 为什么真正不公平的法律 拒绝保护非裔美国女性 不是仅仅因为她们的经历 与白人女性和非裔美国男性的不完全相同? 与其将框架拓宽到 把非裔美国女性包含进来。 法院选择对她们的案子置之不理
Now, as a student of antidiscrimination law, as a feminist, as an antiracist, I was struck by this case. It felt to me like injustice squared. So first of all, black women weren't allowed to work at the plant. Second of all, the court doubled down on this exclusion by making it legally inconsequential. And to boot, there was no name for this problem. And we all know that, where there's no name for a problem, you can't see a problem, and when you can't see a problem, you pretty much can't solve it.
作为反歧视法的学习者, 作为女权主义者, 作为反歧视者, 我被这个案子震惊到了。 给我的感觉就像社会不公正大获全胜。 首先, 黑人女性不允许在这个公司工作; 其次,法庭让这件事情变得微不足道 对它进行了双重否定; 最后,这个问题不了了之。 我们都知道,有实无名的问题 根本就不会被人们注意到; 如果人们都没有注意到, 一般也解决不了。
Many years later, I had come to recognize that the problem that Emma was facing was a framing problem. The frame that the court was using to see gender discrimination or to see race discrimination was partial, and it was distorting. For me, the challenge that I faced was trying to figure out whether there was an alternative narrative, a prism that would allow us to see Emma's dilemma, a prism that would allow us to rescue her from the cracks in the law, that would allow judges to see her story.
多年之后,我意识到 艾玛遇到的问题其实是 因为我们思维受限。 审判人员们审视 性别或者种族歧视时用到的框架 是不全面并且歪曲的。 对我来说,我面临的挑战是 能不能找到另一种描述方法。 通过这种方法, 我们可以体会到她面临的困境, 将她从灰色地带中解救出来, 让法官能够看到她的故事。
So it occurred to me, maybe a simple analogy to an intersection might allow judges to better see Emma's dilemma. So if we think about this intersection, the roads to the intersection would be the way that the workforce was structured by race and by gender. And then the traffic in those roads would be the hiring policies and the other practices that ran through those roads. Now, because Emma was both black and female, she was positioned precisely where those roads overlapped, experiencing the simultaneous impact of the company's gender and race traffic. The law -- the law is like that ambulance that shows up and is ready to treat Emma only if it can be shown that she was harmed on the race road or on the gender road but not where those roads intersected.
我突然想到, 或许将这个问题简单比喻成十字路口 可以让法官们更好地了解艾玛的困境。 照这样想,组成十字路口的两条路就好比 劳动力中性别和种族这两种组成。 在路上行驶的车辆就会是 现行的招聘政策和各种条例。 因为艾玛同时是黑人和女性, 她恰好处于两条路交界的地方, 因此经历工作场合中 性别和种族的双重影响。 法律就好像是救护车, 随时准备对艾玛进行治疗, 但它只会在艾玛在种族或者性别 任一条路上受伤时才出现, 而并不会在交叉的地方出现。
So what do you call being impacted by multiple forces and then abandoned to fend for yourself? Intersectionality seemed to do it for me.
所以你怎么去称谓 这种受到多重来源的影响 接下来又全部放弃以求自保? 交叉性似乎能够满足我对它的定义。
I would go on to learn that African-American women, like other women of color, like other socially marginalized people all over the world, were facing all kinds of dilemmas and challenges as a consequence of intersectionality, intersections of race and gender, of heterosexism, transphobia, xenophobia, ableism, all of these social dynamics come together and create challenges that are sometimes quite unique. But in the same way that intersectionality raised our awareness to the way that black women live their lives, it also exposes the tragic circumstances under which African-American women die.
我会继续去了解非裔美国女性, 就像其他有色人种的女性一样, 就像全世界其他处在社会边缘的人一样, 他们都在面对各种各样的困境和挑战。 这些困境和挑战都是由交叉性带来的, 比如种族和性别的交叉, 由异性恋主义、变性恐惧、 仇外心理、体能歧视带来的交叉, 所有这些社会动向聚集到一起 就会带来有时候十分特别的挑战。 但同样的道理, 这种交叉性 也使得我们注意到黑人女性生活的方式, 向我们展示了非裔美国女性 死去时的惨境。
Police violence against black women is very real. The level of violence that black women face is such that it's not surprising that some of them do not survive their encounters with police. Black girls as young as seven, great grandmothers as old as 95 have been killed by the police. They've been killed in their living rooms, in their bedrooms. They've been killed in their cars. They've been killed on the street. They've been killed in front of their parents and they've been killed in front of their children. They have been shot to death. They have been stomped to death. They have been suffocated to death. They have been manhandled to death. They have been tasered to death. They've been killed when they've called for help. They've been killed when they were alone, and they've been killed when they were with others. They've been killed shopping while black, driving while black, having a mental disability while black, having a domestic disturbance while black. They've even been killed being homeless while black. They've been killed talking on the cell phone, laughing with friends, sitting in a car reported as stolen and making a U-turn in front of the White House with an infant strapped in the backseat of the car. Why don't we know these stories? Why is it that their lost lives don't generate the same amount of media attention and communal outcry as the lost lives of their fallen brothers? It's time for a change.
针对非裔美国女性的警察暴力事件 并不少见。 黑人女性受到的暴力程度之深, 以至于一些人在遇到警察之后 就没能存活下来。 下至七岁的黑人幼女, 上至过九旬的黑人老妪, 都有被警察杀害的案例。 她们在自家客厅、 卧室、 汽车中、 街道上、 父母面前、 甚至时孩子面前遇害。 有的是被击毙; 有的被踩死; 有的被扼死; 有的被虐待致死; 有的被用泰瑟枪打死。 她们在乞求帮助时被杀害; 在独身一人时被杀害; 在人群中间时被杀害。 因为是黑人,她们在购物时被杀害, 在开车时被杀害, 在出现精神问题的时候被杀害, 在出现家庭争执时被杀害, 甚至是在无家可归时被杀害。 她们在讲电话时 与朋友笑闹时 坐在报失的车辆上时 在白宫前为有婴孩在后座的汽车调头时 都会被杀害 为什么我们从来没有听到过这种故事呢? 为什么她们失去的生命 并没有造成与她们倒下的兄弟 同等的媒体关注和集体抗议呢? 是时候做出改变了
So what can we do? In 2014, the African-American Policy Forum began to demand that we "say her name" at rallies, at protests, at conferences, at meetings, anywhere and everywhere that state violence against black bodies is being discussed. But saying her name is not enough. We have to be willing to do more. We have to be willing to bear witness, to bear witness to the often painful realities that we would just rather not confront, the everyday violence and humiliation that many black women have had to face, black women across color, age, gender expression, sexuality and ability.
我们能做些什么呢? 2014年,非裔美国人政策论坛 开始要求我们"说出她的名字“, 无论是在集会上,在抗议中 在会议中 在任何场合 还是其他陈述针对黑人群体的暴力行为的议题中。 然而仅仅说出她的名字是远远不够的, 我们要做的还有很多。 我们要能够接受眼前的现实, 接受那些经常是十分痛苦的现实, 那些我们不愿面对的现实, 那些黑人女性每天都会面对的 暴力和羞辱 针对黑人女性肤色, 年龄,性别表达 性取向和能力等等
So we have the opportunity right now -- bearing in mind that some of the images that I'm about to share with you may be triggering for some -- to collectively bear witness to some of this violence. We're going to hear the voice of the phenomenal Abby Dobson. And as we sit with these women, some who have experienced violence and some who have not survived them, we have an opportunity to reverse what happened at the beginning of this talk, when we could not stand for these women because we did not know their names.
所以我们现在有个机会 来铭记我接下来将会与大家分享的一些图片 去见证这种暴力 这对于一些人来说可能会很有触动性 我们将会听到传奇的艾比·道布森的声音 当我们与这些女性坐在一起的时候 有一些经历过暴力 有一些没能从中活过来 我们有一个机会 来扭转这次讲话刚开始时 我们因为不知道她们的名字 而没能为这些女性而站立的局面
So at the end of this clip, there's going to be a roll call. Several black women's names will come up. I'd like those of you who are able to join us in saying these names as loud as you can, randomly, disorderly. Let's create a cacophony of sound to represent our intention to hold these women up, to sit with them, to bear witness to them, to bring them into the light.
所以在这次剪辑的结尾 将会有一个点名 一些黑人女性的名字会被点出来 我希望能加入我们的人, 在说出这些名字的时候 声音越大越好 随机喊,没有顺序 让我们喊出一群嘈杂的声音 来代表我们的意愿 去拥抱这些女性 与她们坐在一起 见证她们的遭遇 把她们带向光明
(Singing) Abby Dobson: Say, say her name.
(唱)艾比·道布森:说出来 说出她的名字
Say, say her name.
说出来 说出她的名字
(Audience) Shelly!
(观众):雪莉!
(Audience) Kayla!
(观众):凯拉!
AD: Oh, say her name.
艾比·道布森: 噢 说出她的名字
(Audience shouting names)
(观众呼喊着名字)
Say, say, say her name.
说出来,说出来 说出她的名字
Say her name.
说出她的名字
For all the names I'll never know,
因为所有这些名字 我将永远不会知道
say her name.
说出她的名字
KC: Aiyanna Stanley Jones, Janisha Fonville, Kathryn Johnston, Kayla Moore, Michelle Cusseaux, Rekia Boyd, Shelly Frey, Tarika, Yvette Smith.
金伯莉·克伦肖: 艾亚娜·斯坦利·琼斯, 查妮莎·丰维尔, 凯瑟琳·约翰斯顿,凯拉·穆尔, 米歇尔·卡索,瑞卡·博伊德, 雪莉·弗雷, 塔里卡, 伊维特·史密斯 .
AD: Say her name.
艾比·道布森: 说出她的名字
KC: So I said at the beginning, if we can't see a problem, we can't fix a problem. Together, we've come together to bear witness to these women's lost lives. But the time now is to move from mourning and grief to action and transformation. This is something that we can do. It's up to us.
金伯莉·克伦肖:所以我在开始时说过 如果我们看不到一个问题 我们就无法解决它 我们一起来见证 这些女性丧失的生命 但是现在是时间 从哀恸和悲伤中 走向行动和转变 这是我们可以做到的 是由我们自己决定的
Thank you for joining us. Thank you.
谢谢大家加入我们 谢谢大家
(Applause)
(掌声)