Could I protect my father from the Armed Islamic Group with a paring knife? That was the question I faced one Tuesday morning in June of 1993, when I was a law student.
我能否仅凭一把水果刀保护我的父亲, 免受伊斯兰武装组织的伤害? 这就是1993年六月一个周二的早上, 当我还是一名法学院学生时 面临的问题。
I woke up early that morning in Dad's apartment on the outskirts of Algiers, Algeria, to an unrelenting pounding on the front door. It was a season as described by a local paper when every Tuesday a scholar fell to the bullets of fundamentalist assassins. My father's university teaching of Darwin had already provoked a classroom visit from the head of the so-called Islamic Salvation Front, who denounced Dad as an advocate of biologism before Dad had ejected the man, and now whoever was outside would neither identify himself nor go away. So my father tried to get the police on the phone, but perhaps terrified by the rising tide of armed extremism that had already claimed the lives of so many Algerian officers, they didn't even answer. And that was when I went to the kitchen, got out a paring knife, and took up a position inside the entryway. It was a ridiculous thing to do, really, but I couldn't think of anything else, and so there I stood.
那天早上在父亲的公寓 我醒的很早 那是在阿尔及利亚的阿尔及尔市的郊外, 门外响起了用力的敲门声。 那是一个被当地报刊描述为 每个周二都有一名学者 倒在原教旨主义者枪口之下的季节。 我父亲在大学的达尔文(进化论)教学 已经惹得所谓的 伊斯兰救国阵线头目到访课堂。 在父亲将他驱逐出课堂前, 他公然抨击父亲为生物主义的倡导者. 而现在门外的这个人, 既不说自己是谁,也不离开。 所以我的父亲打电话报警, 但是可能被这些已经害死了 这么多阿尔及利亚官员的武装极端分子 不断高涨的势力所恐吓, 警察们甚至没有接起电话。 就是那个时候,我走进厨房, 拿起一把水果刀, 挡在了门厅过道上。 这其实很可笑,真的, 但是我想不出还能做什么了, 所以我就站在那里。
When I look back now, I think that that was the moment that set me on the path was to writing a book called "Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here: Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism." The title comes from a Pakistani play. I think it was actually that moment that sent me on the journey to interview 300 people of Muslim heritage from nearly 30 countries, from Afghanistan to Mali, to find out how they fought fundamentalism peacefully like my father did, and how they coped with the attendant risks.
如今当我回想起那个场景,我认为 就是那个时候我想要写一本书,叫做: 《你的圣令(Fatwa)在此无效: 未曾公开的与穆斯林原教旨主义抗争的故事》 这个标题来自于一出巴基斯坦剧本。 我认为实际上正是那一刻 让我踏上一段旅程 去采访了来自近30个国家的 300名穆斯林, 从阿富汗到马里, 他们是如何和平抗争原教旨主义的 就像我父亲做的那样 还有他们是如何应对挥之不去的生命威胁。
Luckily, back in June of 1993, our unidentified visitor went away, but other families were so much less lucky, and that was the thought that motivated my research. In any case, someone would return a few months later and leave a note on Dad's kitchen table, which simply said, "Consider yourself dead." Subsequently, Algeria's fundamentalist armed groups would murder as many as 200,000 civilians in what came to be known as the dark decade of the 1990s, including every single one of the women that you see here. In its harsh counterterrorist response, the state resorted to torture and to forced disappearances, and as terrible as all of these events became, the international community largely ignored them. Finally, my father, an Algerian peasant's son turned professor, was forced to stop teaching at the university and to flee his apartment, but what I will never forget about Mahfoud Bennoune, my dad, was that like so many other Algerian intellectuals, he refused to leave the country and he continued to publish pointed criticisms, both of the fundamentalists and sometimes of the government they battled. For example, in a November 1994 series in the newspaper El Watan entitled "How Fundamentalism Produced a Terrorism without Precedent," he denounced what he called the terrorists' radical break with the true Islam as it was lived by our ancestors. These were words that could get you killed.
很幸运的,1993年六月那次 门外的身份不明的到访者最终离开了, 但是其他的家庭远没有那么幸运, 也正是这个想法激发了我的研究。 无论哪种情况,几个月之后 都会有人在我父亲的餐桌上 留下一张这样的纸条, 只有一句“当作你已经死了”。 随后, 阿尔及利亚的原教旨武装组织 在二十世纪九零年代 谋杀了超过二十万名平民 成为名副其实的黑暗十年, 受害者包括现在大屏幕上 你看到的每一位女性。 当国家开始粗暴的反击 使用刑讯逼供等手段打击恐怖主义 (很多人)未经审判就“突然消失”, 当这可怕的一切发生的时候, 国际社会在很大程度上忽略了他们。 最终,我那从阿尔及利亚农民家庭 成长为教授的父亲, 被迫停止的在大学的任职 并逃出了他的公寓 但是我永远无法忘记 Mahfoud Bennoune, 我的父亲 就像其他诸多阿尔及利亚知识分子一样, 他拒绝离开他的祖国 并且他继续出版尖锐的评论 既有针对原教旨主义的, 有时也有针对与他们作战的政府的 比如说,在1994年11月期间 在名为《El Watan》报纸上 标题为“ 原教旨主义何以孕育恐怖主义, 与传统文化背道而驰。” 他谴责了被他称之为 恐怖主义者与我们祖先倡导的 真正穆斯林之间的的本质区别。 这些言论足以让你丧命。
My father's country taught me in that dark decade of the 1990s that the popular struggle against Muslim fundamentalism is one of the most important and overlooked human rights struggles in the world. This remains true today, nearly 20 years later. You see, in every country where you hear about armed jihadis targeting civilians, there are also unarmed people defying those militants that you don't hear about, and those people need our support to succeed.
在九十年代的黑暗十年, 我父亲的祖国教会了我 与穆斯林原教旨主义的普遍抗争 是世界上最重要的 也最被忽略的 人权运动之一。 这在将近20年后的今天依然是真的 你看,在每一个你听说 武装圣战分子(吉哈德) 袭击平民的国家里, 都有赤手空拳的大众 在反抗那些你没有听说过的激进分子 他们需要我们的支持, 以取得成功。
In the West, it's often assumed that Muslims generally condone terrorism. Some on the right think this because they view Muslim culture as inherently violent, and some on the left imagine this because they view Muslim violence, fundamentalist violence, solely as a product of legitimate grievances. But both views are dead wrong. In fact, many people of Muslim heritage around the world are staunch opponents both of fundamentalism and of terrorism, and often for very good reason. You see, they're much more likely to be victims of this violence than its perpetrators. Let me just give you one example. According to a 2009 survey of Arabic language media resources, between 2004 and 2008, no more than 15 percent of al Qaeda's victims were Westerners. That's a terrible toll, but the vast majority were people of Muslim heritage, killed by Muslim fundamentalists.
西方世界普遍认为 穆斯林对恐怖主义是容忍的. 有些右翼分子这样认为是因为 他们将穆斯林文化看做是固有暴力的(文化) 一些左翼分子这样想则是因为 他们将穆斯林的暴力 原教旨主义者的暴力 全都看做是合法的申诉 但是这两种观点都是致命的错误 事实上,全世界许多穆斯林传统 的人们 都是原教旨主义和恐怖主义的 坚定反对者 并且有着非常好的理由 你们看,他们更像是这些暴力事件的受害者 而并非行凶者 让我来举一个例子 根据一个2009年的调查 基于阿拉伯语媒体的报道 在2004年至2008年间 仅仅有15%的基地组织受害者 是西方人. 这(也)很可怕,但是绝大部分 被穆斯林原教旨主义者杀害的人 是穆斯林人自己.
Now I've been talking for the last five minutes about fundamentalism, and you have a right to know exactly what I mean. I cite the definition given by the Algerian sociologist Marieme Helie Lucas, and she says that fundamentalisms, note the "s," so within all of the world's great religious traditions, "fundamentalisms are political movements of the extreme right which in a context of globalization manipulate religion in order to achieve their political aims." Sadia Abbas has called this the radical politicization of theology. Now I want to avoid projecting the notion that there's sort of a monolith out there called Muslim fundamentalism that is the same everywhere, because these movements also have their diversities. Some use and advocate violence. Some do not, though they're often interrelated. They take different forms. Some may be non-governmental organizations, even here in Britain like Cageprisoners. Some may become political parties, like the Muslim Brotherhood, and some may be openly armed groups like the Taliban. But in any case, these are all radical projects. They're not conservative or traditional approaches. They're most often about changing people's relationship with Islam rather than preserving it. What I am talking about is the Muslim extreme right, and the fact that its adherents are or purport to be Muslim makes them no less offensive than the extreme right anywhere else. So in my view, if we consider ourselves liberal or left-wing, human rights-loving or feminist, we must oppose these movements and support their grassroots opponents. Now let me be clear that I support an effective struggle against fundamentalism, but also a struggle that must itself respect international law, so nothing I am saying should be taken as a justification for refusals to democratize, and here I send out a shout-out of support to the pro-democracy movement in Algeria today, Barakat. Nor should anything I say be taken as a justification of violations of human rights, like the mass death sentences handed out in Egypt earlier this week. But what I am saying is that we must challenge these Muslim fundamentalist movements because they threaten human rights across Muslim-majority contexts, and they do this in a range of ways, most obviously with the direct attacks on civilians by the armed groups that carry those out. But that violence is just the tip of the iceberg. These movements as a whole purvey discrimination against religious minorities and sexual minorities. They seek to curtail the freedom of religion of everyone who either practices in a different way or chooses not to practice. And most definingly, they lead an all-out war on the rights of women.
现在我已经讲了五分钟 关于原教旨主义,你们有权利明确地知道 我说的意思 我引用了阿尔及利亚社会学家 Marieme Helie Lucas 给出的定义 她说原教旨主义们 注意这个“们”, 所以在世界上所有的 伟大的宗教传统里 “原教旨主义是极端权利的政治运动 在全球化操控宗教的背景下 为了达到 他们的政治目的” Sadia Abbas 将此称为 激进的宗教体系政治化 现在我想避免表达一个概念 那就是有一块被称为穆斯林原教旨主义的巨石 它在任何地方都一样 因为这些运动同样也有它们 自身的差异 有些使用并提倡暴力 有些没有,尽管它们通常是相互关联的 它们采取了不同的形式 有些可能是非政府组织 甚至在英国也有 Cageprisoners 这样的组织. 有些可能是政治党派 比如穆斯林兄弟会 还有些可能是公开武装的组织 比如塔利班 但是无论如何,这些都是激进的计划 它们不是保守的或者传统的方法 它们大多是有关于改变人们 与穆斯林之间的关系 而不是保护(这种关系) 我现在谈的是穆斯林极右势力 而这种极右势力 由于依附于穆斯林存在 使得它们相对于其它极右势力 显得并没有那么的极端. 因此我认为,如果我们将自己看成 自由主义者或者左翼分子 人权拥护者或者男女平等主义者 我们必须反对这些运动 并且支持他们的草根反对者. 我要明确一点, 我支持一种针对原教旨主义的 有力地反抗, 但是这种反抗本身同时也必须 尊重国际法, 所以我所说的一切都不应该 被认为是一种拒绝民主的 辩护理由. 并且在这里我发出呐喊 支持今天在阿尔及利亚的巴拉卡特的民主运动. 我说的任何话也不应该被认为 是侵犯人权的辩护理由. 就像这周早些时候, 在埃及集中实行的死刑. 我想要强调的是 我们必须挑战 这些穆斯林原教旨主义者的运动 因为他们威胁了人权 在穆斯林占人口大多数的环境下 并且他们采用各种方法侵犯人权. 最明显地是由武装组织 直接袭击平民 但是这种暴力行为只不过是冰山一角 这些行动整体上提供了对于 宗教少数以及性别少数的歧视 他们想要剥夺宗教自由的权利 对于每一个以不同形式实施的 或者选择不去实施的人 最典型的是,他们在女性权利上 领导一场毫无保留的战争
Now, faced with these movements in recent years, Western discourse has most often offered two flawed responses. The first that one sometimes finds on the right suggests that most Muslims are fundamentalist or something about Islam is inherently fundamentalist, and this is just offensive and wrong, but unfortunately on the left one sometimes encounters a discourse that is too politically correct to acknowledge the problem of Muslim fundamentalism at all or, even worse, apologizes for it, and this is unacceptable as well. So what I'm seeking is a new way of talking about this all together, which is grounded in the lived experiences and the hope of the people on the front lines. I'm painfully aware that there has been an increase in discrimination against Muslims in recent years in countries like the U.K. and the U.S., and that too is a matter of grave concern, but I firmly believe that telling these counter-stereotypical stories of people of Muslim heritage who have confronted the fundamentalists and been their primary victims is also a great way of countering that discrimination. So now let me introduce you to four people whose stories I had the great honor of telling.
现在,面对这些运动 在近几年里,西方媒体及民众 最常见的两个见解 都不是正确的。 第一个是,站在右翼角度 表明大多数穆斯林是原教旨主义 或者关于穆斯林的有些东西 是本身内在的原教旨主义 这个观点具有攻击性而且是错的 但不幸的是在左翼角度, 一个人可能会碰到一种论述 这种论述太过于政治上正确 以至于一点儿也不承认穆斯林原教旨主义的问题 或者,更有甚者,为此道歉 这也是不能被接受的 所以我要寻找的是一种新的方法 来一起谈论所有这些 这种方法来自于实际经验 并且基于前线人民的希望 我痛苦地意识到 近些年对于穆斯林的歧视在增加 在像英国或者美国这些国家 而且这也是一个重大的焦点 但是我坚信 讲述这些反抗原教旨主义 并且成为主要受害者的 穆斯林传统人士的 非老一套的故事 也是反对这种歧视的一个很棒的方法 所以现在请让我给大家介绍 四个人,他们的故事 让我怀着莫大的荣幸来讲述
Faizan Peerzada and the Rafi Peer Theatre workshop named for his father have for years promoted the performing arts in Pakistan. With the rise of jihadist violence, they began to receive threats to call off their events, which they refused to heed. And so a bomber struck their 2008 eighth world performing arts festival in Lahore, producing rain of glass that fell into the venue injuring nine people, and later that same night, the Peerzadas made a very difficult decision: they announced that their festival would continue as planned the next day. As Faizan said at the time, if we bow down to the Islamists, we'll just be sitting in a dark corner. But they didn't know what would happen. Would anyone come? In fact, thousands of people came out the next day to support the performing arts in Lahore, and this simultaneously thrilled and terrified Faizan, and he ran up to a woman who had come in with her two small children, and he said, "You do know there was a bomb here yesterday, and you do know there's a threat here today." And she said, "I know that, but I came to your festival with my mother when I was their age, and I still have those images in my mind. We have to be here." With stalwart audiences like this, the Peerzadas were able to conclude their festival on schedule.
Faizan Peerzada 和以他父亲命名的 Rafi Peer 戏剧讲习班 多年来一直在巴基斯坦 推广表演艺术 随着圣战分子暴力行为的增加 他们开始收到电话威胁 要求他们取消活动,他们对此不予理睬 因此他们在08年第八届拉哈尔世界表演艺术节上 遭到一颗炸弹袭击 碎玻璃如雨落下 砸在活动场地上 伤到了9个人 在同一天晚上晚些时候 Peerzadas 做出了一项十分艰难的决定 他们宣布 艺术节将在原计划的第二天继续举行 正如 Faizan 那时所说的 如果我们向伊斯兰教徒鞠躬哈腰 那我们将不见天日 但是他们不知道将会发生什么 还会有人出现么? 而实际上, 成千上万的人在随后一天出现在活动上 来支持拉哈尔表演艺术 而这同时振奋 并吓到了Faizan 他径直跑向一名 带着自己两个孩子一同前往艺术节的妇女 他说:你是知道昨天这里有炸弹袭击 你也知道这里今天这里会遭到威胁,对吧 然后她说:我知道 但是我曾在小时候 和我母亲来到过你的艺术节 我现在依然还存留着那些记忆 我们必须过来 有着像这样坚定的观众 使得 Peerzadas 家族能够 如期为他们的艺术节画上句号
And then the next year, they lost all of their sponsors due to the security risk. So when I met them in 2010, they were in the middle of the first subsequent event that they were able to have in the same venue, and this was the ninth youth performing arts festival held in Lahore in a year when that city had already experienced 44 terror attacks. This was a time when the Pakistani Taliban had commenced their systematic targeting of girls' schools that would culminate in the attack on Malala Yousafzai. What did the Peerzadas do in that environment? They staged girls' school theater. So I had the privilege of watching "Naang Wal," which was a musical in the Punjabi language, and the girls of Lahore Grammar School played all the parts. They sang and danced, they played the mice and the water buffalo, and I held my breath, wondering, would we get to the end of this amazing show? And when we did, the whole audience collectively exhaled, and a few people actually wept, and then they filled the auditorium with the peaceful boom of their applause. And I remember thinking in that moment that the bombers made headlines here two years before but this night and these people are as important a story.
然后在之后的一年 他们失去了所有的赞助者 由于安全风险 所以当我2010年见到他们时 他们正在准备一个后续活动 这个活动将在同一地点举行 即第九届青少年表演艺术节 它在拉哈尔举办 那一年这个城市 已经遭受了44次恐怖袭击 那时正值巴基斯坦塔利班开始 将女子学校作为系统目标 这将在对马拉拉的袭击中 达到高潮 那Peerzadas家族在那种环境下 做了什么呢? 他们筹划了女子学校的演出 我获得了观看”Naang Wal"的特权 这是一部旁遮普语的音乐剧 来自拉哈尔语法学校的女孩们 出演了整部音乐剧 她们又唱又跳 他们扮演老鼠和水牛 我屏息凝神,心里想着 我们是否 会看完这部精彩演出? 当我们看完的时候 所有观众集体松了一口气 有些人其实都在哭泣 之后他们平静的隆隆掌声 响彻整个礼堂 我记得在那一刻,我在想 两年前 投弹者在这里制造了头条新闻 而今夜,这些人们 和一个故事一样重要
Maria Bashir is the first and only woman chief prosecutor in Afghanistan. She's been in the post since 2008 and actually opened an office to investigate cases of violence against women, which she says is the most important area in her mandate. When I meet her in her office in Herat, she enters surrounded by four large men with four huge guns. In fact, she now has 23 bodyguards, because she has weathered bomb attacks that nearly killed her kids, and it took the leg off of one of her guards.
Maria Bashir 是第一位也是唯一一位 阿富汗女性首席检察官 她从2008开始就担任此职 并且建立了一个办公室 调查针对女性的暴力犯罪 她自己说这是她任期内 最重要的事情 当我去她在 Herat 的办公室见她, 她被四个保镖保护着 保镖都全副武装。 事实上,她有23名保镖, 因为她已经经历过一次炸弹袭击 她的孩子险些丧命, 一名保镖的腿被炸飞了。
Why does she continue? She says with a smile that that is the question that everyone asks— as she puts it, "Why you risk not living?" And it is simply that for her, a better future for all the Maria Bashirs to come is worth the risk, and she knows that if people like her do not take the risk, there will be no better future. Later on in our interview, Prosecutor Bashir tells me how worried she is about the possible outcome of government negotiations with the Taliban, the people who have been trying to kill her. "If we give them a place in the government," she asks, "Who will protect women's rights?" And she urges the international community not to forget its promise about women because now they want peace with Taliban. A few weeks after I leave Afghanistan, I see a headline on the Internet. An Afghan prosecutor has been assassinated. I google desperately, and thankfully that day I find out that Maria was not the victim, though sadly, another Afghan prosecutor was gunned down on his way to work. And when I hear headlines like that now, I think that as international troops leave Afghanistan this year and beyond, we must continue to care about what happens to people there, to all of the Maria Bashirs. Sometimes I still hear her voice in my head saying, with no bravado whatsoever, "The situation of the women of Afghanistan will be better someday. We should prepare the ground for this, even if we are killed."
为何她要坚持下去? 她微笑着说,这个问题其实 每个人都问过 就象她说的那样, “你为什么要冒生命危险?” 对于她而言这个答案很简单, 为了跟她一样的女性能够有一个更好的未来, 这个风险冒得值得 而且她知道,如果她这样的人 不去担起这份风险, 未来一定不会比现在更好。 在我们采访的后期, Bashir 检察官跟我说 她现在很担心 政府在跟塔利班谈判, 后者一直想要暗杀她。 “如果塔利班在政府中占了一席之地,” 她问道,“谁来保护妇女的权利?” 而且她敦促国际社会 不要因为想要跟塔利班和谈 就忘记了保障妇女权利的承诺 在我离开阿富汗的几周后, 我在网上看到一条突发消息。 一名阿富汗检察官被暗杀了。 我发疯的在网上搜索, 谢天谢地我最终发现 遇害的不是 Maria, 虽然很悲痛的,另一位检察官 倒在了他上班的路上。 现在当我听到类似这样的新闻, 我会想到从今年开始, 多国部队会陆续撤出阿富汗, 我们必须继续关心 阿富汗人民的安全, 继续关心所有像 Maria Bashirs 这样的人安全。 有时候我会回想起她的话 平淡朴实的话, “阿富汗妇女的生存环境” “终有一天会好起来。” “我们要为这一天的到来努力,” “即使我们可能会被杀掉。”
There are no words adequate to denounce the al Shabaab terrorists who attacked the Westgate Mall in Nairobi on the same day as a children's cooking competition in September of 2013. They killed 67, including poets and pregnant women. Far away in the American Midwest, I had the good fortune of meeting Somali-Americans who were working to counter the efforts of al Shabaab to recruit a small number of young people from their city of Minneapolis to take part in atrocities like Westgate. Abdirizak Bihi's studious 17-year-old nephew Burhan Hassan was recruited here in 2008, spirited to Somalia, and then killed when he tried to come home. Since that time, Mr. Bihi, who directs the no-budget Somali Education and Advocacy Center, has been vocally denouncing the recruitment and the failures of government and Somali-American institutions like the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center where he believes his nephew was radicalized during a youth program. But he doesn't just criticize the mosque. He also takes on the government for its failure to do more to prevent poverty in his community. Given his own lack of financial resources, Mr. Bihi has had to be creative. To counter the efforts of al Shabaab to sway more disaffected youth, in the wake of the group's 2010 attack on World Cup viewers in Uganda, he organized a Ramadan basketball tournament in Minneapolis in response. Scores of Somali-American kids came out to embrace sport despite the fatwa against it. They played basketball as Burhan Hassan never would again. For his efforts, Mr. Bihi has been ostracized by the leadership of the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center, with which he used to have good relations. He told me, "One day we saw the imam on TV calling us infidels and saying, 'These families are trying to destroy the mosque.'" This is at complete odds with how Abdirizak Bihi understands what he is trying to do by exposing al Shabaab recruitment, which is to save the religion I love from a small number of extremists.
我找不到合适的词汇 来谴责伊斯兰青年军恐怖组织 他们在2013年9月袭击了肯尼亚首都 内罗比的西门购物中心,那天那里正在举行 儿童厨艺比赛 67人被杀,包括诗人和孕妇。 在千里之外的美国中西部, 我很幸运地见到了一些索马里裔美国人 他们当时正在努力阻止伊斯兰青年军 从他们所在的明尼阿波里斯市 招募一些年轻人 参与到类似四门购物中心的惨剧。 Abdirizak Bihi 的侄子 17岁勤奋刻苦的 Burhan Hassan 2008年的时候被招募, 被带到索马里, 在他尝试逃回家的时候被杀。 从那时起, Bihi先生 当时正在管理着没有预算的索马里教育和促进中心, 开始公开地谴责这种招募行径 斥责政府的无能 斥责在美国的索马里机构 例如 Abubakar As-Saddique 伊斯兰中心, 他相信他的侄子就是在这个中心的 青年计划中被洗脑的。 但是他不仅仅谴责了宗教组织。 他还把矛头指向了政府, 因为他们没有能够 带领他所在的社区脱贫。 因为 Bihi 先生自己也是超穷的, 他必须拿出点新的想法来。 为了阻止伊斯兰青年军 招募更多的愤怒的青年, 在该组织2010年袭击了 乌干达的世界杯观众之后, 他迅速地在明尼阿波里斯市组织了一场 斋月篮球锦标赛作为回应。 许多索马里裔美国小孩 不顾宗教禁忌 加入到这场体育中来。 他们在玩的篮球 是 Burhan Hassan 再也无法触及的。 因为他的这些行为,他被 Abubakar As-Saddique 伊斯兰中心的领袖斥责, 他们曾经保持着良好的关系。 他告诉我,“有一天我们在电视上看到伊玛目, (译注,清真寺内率众作礼拜的领袖) 称我们是异教徒,并且说, ‘这些家庭想要毁掉穆斯林。’” 对于 Abdirizak Bihi 来说, 这些话彻头彻尾的无法理解 因为他正在做的 是将伊斯兰青年党的招募计划暴露出来, 为的是能够阻止一小撮极端分子 破坏我所热爱的宗教。
Now I want to tell one last story, that of a 22-year-old law student in Algeria named Amel Zenoune-Zouani who had the same dreams of a legal career that I did back in the '90s. She refused to give up her studies, despite the fact that the fundamentalists battling the Algerian state back then threatened all who continued their education. On January 26, 1997, Amel boarded the bus in Algiers where she was studying to go home and spend a Ramadan evening with her family, and would never finish law school. When the bus reached the outskirts of her hometown, it was stopped at a checkpoint manned by men from the Armed Islamic Group. Carrying her schoolbag, Amel was taken off the bus and killed in the street. The men who cut her throat then told everyone else, "If you go to university, the day will come when we will kill all of you just like this."
现在我想跟你们说最后一个故事, 一个阿尔及利亚的22岁法学院学生 名叫 Amel Zenoune-Zouani 她有着跟90年代的我 一样的律师梦。 她没有放弃学业, 虽然原教义主义者 已经占领了阿尔及利亚首都 威胁着所有坚持学业的人的安全。 1997年1月26日, 在首都阿尔及尔求学的 Amel 坐上了一辆回家的公交车 与家人一起 过斋月, 从此再也没有能够完成学业。 当公交车到了郊外 靠近她家的地方, 被伊斯兰武装人员设立的检查站 拦截了下来。 因为带着书包, Amel 被从车上拽了下来 当街被杀死。 割断她喉咙的那个人 告诉其他的乘客, “如果你们再去大学, 总有一天我们会杀掉你们, 就像她一样。”
Amel died at exactly 5:17 p.m., which we know because when she fell in the street, her watch broke. Her mother showed me the watch with the second hand still aimed optimistically upward towards a 5:18 that would never come. Shortly before her death, Amel had said to her mother of herself and her sisters, "Nothing will happen to us, Inshallah, God willing, but if something happens, you must know that we are dead for knowledge. You and father must keep your heads held high."
Amel 死于下午5点17分, 我们之所以知道,是因为当她摔倒在街上的时候 她的手表碎了。 她的妈妈给我看了这块手表 手表的秒表依然是 乐观的指着上方 指向不会到来的5点18分。 就在她死前几天, Amel 还在跟她的妈妈 和她的姐姐说, “一切都会好起来的,印沙安拉,真主保佑 (译注:印沙安拉是穆斯林用语,意为“如果安拉允许的话”或“如蒙天佑”) 但是如果真有不测 我们要记住,我们是为求知而死。 你们,还有父亲,要骄傲的活下去。
The loss of such a young woman is unfathomable, and so as I did my research I found myself searching for Amel's hope again and her name even means "hope" in Arabic. I think I found it in two places. The first is in the strength of her family and all the other families to continue telling their stories and to go on with their lives despite the terrorism. In fact, Amel's sister Lamia overcame her grief, went to law school, and practices as a lawyer in Algiers today, something which is only possible because the armed fundamentalists were largely defeated in the country. And the second place I found Amel's hope was everywhere that women and men continue to defy the jihadis. We must support all of those in honor of Amel who continue this human rights struggle today, like the Network of Women Living Under Muslim Laws. It is not enough, as the victims rights advocate Cherifa Kheddar told me in Algiers, it is not enough just to battle terrorism. We must also challenge fundamentalism, because fundamentalism is the ideology that makes the bed of this terrorism.
这位年轻女性的死,影响是十分深远的, 当我从事我的研究时 我发现自己在寻找的,正是Amel的希望, 而她的名字(Amel)在阿拉伯语中就是“希望”的代名词。 我想我在两个地方发现了她的存在。 首先来自于她的家庭所具备的勇气, 以及所有在这种环境下坚持表达自己观点 即使有恐怖主义威胁也要坚持自己生活的家庭。 事实上 Amel 的妹妹 Lamia 从悲痛中走了出来, 也去读了法学院, 而且现在成为阿尔及尔的一名律师, 这样的事情发生, 是因为原教义武装力量 在全国范围内被击退了。 第二个我发现Amel的希望存在的地方 是那些在各地继续抵抗吉哈德的 男人和女人们。 我们必须要支持这些以实际行动 向Amel致敬的人权斗士们 像是“穆斯林法制下的妇女联盟”这样的团体 这些还不够,正如 Cherifa Kheddar, 关注阿尔及尔受害者权益促进的人告诉我的那样, 打击恐怖主义远远不够。 我们必须挑战原教义主义, 因为原教义主义的信条 是恐怖主义的温床。
Why is it that people like her, like all of them are not more well known? Why is it that everyone knows who Osama bin Laden was and so few know of all of those standing up to the bin Ladens in their own contexts. We must change that, and so I ask you to please help share these stories through your networks. Look again at Amel Zenoune's watch, forever frozen, and now please look at your own watch and decide this is the moment that you commit to supporting people like Amel. We don't have the right to be silent about them because it is easier or because Western policy is flawed as well, because 5:17 is still coming to too many Amel Zenounes in places like northern Nigeria, where jihadis still kill students. The time to speak up in support of all of those who peacefully challenge fundamentalism and terrorism in their own communities is now.
为什么向她这样的人,以上这些人, 都很少有人知晓? 为什么每个人都知道奥萨马·本·拉登是谁 却很少有人知道这些人 这些在他们自己的生活中抵抗本·拉登的人。 我们必须改变,所以我请求你 通过你的朋友圈,你的网络 分享这些故事。 再看一眼 Amel Zenoune 的手表, 永远的停在那里, 现在请看看你自己的手表 此刻,请你拿出自己的付出 帮助Amel这样的人。 我们并没有权利保持沉默, 尽管这样会更轻松, 也不能因为西方世界的政策也同样存在问题(而沉默), 因为5点17分这个时刻还会到来 在尼日利亚北部这样的地区 还有太多的 Amel Zenounes, 在被吉哈德杀死。 发出呐喊,支持和帮助那些 以和平手段与原教义主义者和恐怖主义 在自己家园进行抗争的人的时机 就是现在。
Thank you.
谢谢大家。
(Applause)
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