In 1994, I walked into a prison in Cambodia, and I met a 12-year-old boy who had been tortured and was denied access to counsel. And as I looked into his eyes, I realized that for the hundreds of letters I had written for political prisoners, that I would never have written a letter for him, because he was not a 12-year-old boy who had done something important for anybody. He was not a political prisoner. He was a 12-year-old boy who had stolen a bicycle. What I also realized at that point was that it was not only Cambodia, but of the 113 developing countries that torture, 93 of these countries have all passed laws that say you have a right to a lawyer and you have a right not to be tortured.
Ne vitin 1994, shkova te bej nje vizite ne burgun e Cambodia, dhe u takova me nje djale 12-vjecar i cili ishte torturuar dhe i ishin hequr te drejtat per mbrojtje ligjore. Dhe, ndersa une hodha syte tek ai, e kuptova qe per qindra ato letra qe kisha shkruar per te burgosurit politik, asnjehere nuk do te kisha patur mundesine te shkruaja nje leter per kete 12-vjecar, sepse ai ishte jo vetem nje djale 12 vjecar i cili nuk kishte bere ndonjehere ndonje faj te rende. Ai nuk ishte i burgosur politik. Ai ishte nje djale 12-vjecar i cili kishte vjedhur nje biciklete. Mesa kuptova ne ato momente, jo vetem Cambodia, por nga 113 vende te zhvilluara qe lejonin torturat, 93 prej ketyre vendeve kishin vene ligjet ne veprim qe cdo njeri ka te drejten per avokat mbrojtes per tu mbrojtur nga torturat.
And what I recognized was that there was an incredible window of opportunity for us as a world community to come together and end torture as an investigative tool. We often think of torture as being political torture or reserved for just the worst, but, in fact, 95 percent of torture today is not for political prisoners. It is for people who are in broken-down legal systems, and unfortunately because torture is the cheapest form of investigation -- it's cheaper than having a legal system, cheaper than having a lawyer and early access to counsel -- it is what happens most of the time. I believe today that it is possible for us as a world community, if we make a decision, to come together and end torture as an investigative tool in our lifetime, but it will require three things. First is the training, empowerment, and connection of defenders worldwide.
Dhe, me sa dallova une, gjendeshe nje dritare me mundesi te medha per ne duke qendruar si komunitetin boterror, te mblidhemi se bashku dhe ti japim fund torturave si mjet investigues. Ne zakonisht paramendojme torturen sikur eshte nje torture politike, ose e rezervuar per qenie me e keqe, por faktikisht, 95 perqind e torturave sot nuk jane burgosje politike. Ato jane per njerez te cilet jane ne nje sistem politik, jo funksionar. dhe fatkeqsisht, sepse tortura esht forma me e pakushtushme investigore-- eshte dhe me e pakushtushme se duke patur nje sistem politik. me e lire sesa te marrish nje avokat mbrojtes ne fazat e para te ceshtjesh per tu konsultuar-- eshte pra cfare ndodh shumicen e rasteve. Une jam e vendosur qe ne ditet e sotme eshte mese e mundshme per ne si nje komunitet boterror, qe ne qofte se marrem nje vendim, te mblidhemi se bashku dhe ti japim fund tortures duke u perdorur si mjet investigor gjate kohes te jetes tone. por na duhen tre gjera kryesore. Se pari, eshte trenjimi, fuqizimi, dhe mardheniet e avokateve ligjore ne te gjithe boten.
The second is insuring that there is systematic early access to counsel. And the third is commitment. So in the year 2000, I began to wonder, what if we came together? Could we do something for these 93 countries? And I founded International Bridges to Justice which has a specific mission of ending torture as an investigative tool and implementing due process rights in the 93 countries by placing trained lawyers at an early stage in police stations and in courtrooms. My first experiences, though, did come from Cambodia, and at the time I remember first coming to Cambodia and there were, in 1994, still less than 10 attorneys in the country because the Khmer Rouge had killed them all.
Se dyti te sigurohemi qe eshte dhe te jepet e drejta per konsultim ligjor qe ne fazat e para. Dhe se treti eshte dedikimi. Keshtu qe ne vitin 2000, Une fillova te pyesja veten, po sikur ne te mblidhemi se bashku? A mund te bejme dicka? per keto 93 vende? Keshtu qe themelova Ura Internacionale per Drejtesi te cilat kishin nje ceshtje kryesore dhe specifike ti jepnin fund tortures qe perdorej si mjet investigor dhe te fillonin te hidhnin hapat e para per nje proces per te drejtata ne te gjitha keto 93 vende duke vendosur avokate ligjore te trenjuar ne fazat fillestare ne departamentet e policise dhe ne seancat e ceshtjeve te gjykates. Punimet e mia te para, edhe pse, linden nga Cambodia, dhe po ne ate kohe me kujtohet kur arrita ne Cambodia dhe ishin ne vitete 1994, akoma me pak se 10 gjykatse gjithsej ne vend sepse Khmer Rouge i kishte zhdukur te gjithe.
And even 20 years later, there was only 10 lawyers in the country, so consequently you'd walk into a prison and not only would you meet 12-year-old boys, you'd meet women and you'd say, "Why are you here?" Women would say, "Well I've been here for 10 years because my husband committed a crime, but they can't find him." So it's just a place where there was no rule of law.
Edhe pas 20 vjeteve me vone, gjendeshe vetem 10 avokate mbrojtes ne te gjithe vendin, si rrjedhoje ne qoftese do te planifikoje te te beje nje takim ne burg dhe jo vetem qe do te takoje djale 12-vjecar, po gjithashtu do te takoje dhe gra te cilate theshin, ne jemi ketu sepse jemi burgosur per 10 vjete per arsye te burit tim i cili veproi jashte ligjit dhe me pas u zhduk. Pra eshte nje vend ku nuk ka rregulla ligjore.
The first group of defenders came together and I still remember, as I was training, I said, "Okay, what do you do for an investigation?" And there was silence in the class, and finally one woman stood up, [inaudible name], and she said "Khrew," which means "teacher." She said, "I have defended more than a hundred people, and I've never had to do any investigation, because they all come with confessions."
Grupi i pare i avokateve te mbrojtjes u mblodh se bashku dhe akoma me kujtohet, gjate trenjimit, une u ngrita dhe thashe "Pra, cfare beni you gjate nje investigimi?" Dhe, qetesia rra ne klase, dhe perfundimisht nje grua u ngrit ne kembe(pa emer), dhe tha"Khrew," e cila do te thote"mesuese." Ajo shtoi," Une kam mbrojtur me shume se njeqind njerrez, dhe asnjehere nuk mu nevojit te beja investigime, sepse te gjithe keta njerrez vijne me fakte deshmuese."
And we talked about, as a class, the fact that number one, the confessions might not be reliable, but number two, we did not want to encourage the police to keep doing this, especially as it was now against the law. And it took a lot of courage for these defenders to decide that they would begin to stand up and support each other in implementing these laws. And I still remember the first cases where they came, all 25 together, she would stand up, and they were in the back, and they would support her, and the judges kept saying, "No, no, no, no, we're going to do things the exact same way we've been doing them."
Por ne biseduam, si klase, faktin qe se pari, ngjarjet deshmuese nuk mund te ishin te gjitha te verteta, por, dhe se dyti, ne nuk do ti japim me shume kurajo policise rregullore te vazhdoje te beje te njejtat veprime, vecanerisht tani qe eshe jashti ligjit. Dhe, ne na duhej shume kurajo per keto avokate te mbrojtjes te vendsonin qe ata do te fillonin te ngiheshin se bashku dhe te ndihmonin per te filluar zbatimin e ketyre ligjeve. Dhe, Akoma me kujtohet ceshtjet e para ligjore, ku te gjithe ata,25 veta, se bashku errdhen, dhe qendruan mbrapa te denuarit, per te perkrahur ate dhe gjykatsi vazhdoi te dheshte, "Jo,jo,jo,jo, ne nuk do te vazhdojme te bejme te njejtat gjerra ashtu si kemi vepruar me pare."
But one day the perfect case came, and it was a woman who was a vegetable seller, she was sitting outside of a house. She said she actually saw the person run out who she thinks stole whatever the jewelry was, but the police came, they got her, there was nothing on her. She was pregnant at the time. She had cigarette burns on her. She'd miscarried. And when they brought her case to the judge, for the first time he stood up and he said, "Yes, there's no evidence except for your torture confession and you will be released."
Por, nje dite ceshtja ligjore dhe me specifike me rra ne doren time, dhe ishte nje grua e cila ishte shitse frutash, dhe ishte ulur jashte nje shtepie. Ajo deshmoi qe e pa personin qe qe vrapoi dhe qe vodhi te gjitha ato ato varse dhe gjerrdhane, por policia Por ne vend, me moren mua dhe une nuk kisha anje gje. Ajo ishte shtatezane ne ate kohe. Ajo kishte te djegurra cigarresh ne trupin e saj. Pak me vone e deshtoi femijen. Dhe kurr i errdhi rradha per ne gjyq tek gjykatsi, per here te pare ai u ngrit ne kembe dhe tha,"Po, eshte mese e sigurte qe nuk ka evidenca pervecse torturave qe ne po shikojme dhe ti mund te shkosh, je e lire."
And the defenders began to take cases over and over again and you will see, they have step by step began to change the course of history in Cambodia. But Cambodia is not alone. I used to think, well is it Cambodia? Or is it other countries? But it is in so many countries.
Dhe, pas asaj ceshtje, avokatet filluan te merreshin, me ceshtje dhe me shume ceshtje dhe sic e shikoni, ata filluan me hapa njerra pas tjetres te ndryshonin historine kombetare te Cambodias. Megjithate, Cambodia nuk eshte vetem. Nje here e nje kohe, mendoja qe, "A eshte Cambodia? Apo jane vendet e tjerra? Po me sinqeritet them qe kjo situate gjendet dhe ne me shume vende te tjerra.
In Burundi I walked into a prison and it wasn't a 12-year-old boy, it was an 8-year-old boy for stealing a mobile phone. Or a woman, I picked up her baby, really cute baby, I said "Your baby is so cute." It wasn't a baby, she was three. And she said "Yeah, but she's why I'm here," because she was accused of stealing two diapers and an iron for her baby and still had been in prison. And when I walked up to the prison director, I said, "You've got to let her out. A judge would let her out." And he said, "Okay, we can talk about it, but look at my prison. Eighty percent of the two thousand people here are without a lawyer. What can we do?" So lawyers began to courageously stand up together to organize a system where they can take cases. But we realized that it's not only the training of the lawyers, but the connection of the lawyers that makes a difference.
Ne Burundi, Shkova tek nje burg dhe nuk pashe nje djale 12-vjecar, por ishte nje djale 8-vjecar i cili kishte marre pa leje nje celular. Apo nje grua, te cilen e pashe me nje femije te vogel, shume femije te bukur, dhe i thashe," femija juaj eshte shume i bukur." Faktikisht ai femija ishte vetem 3 vjet. Dhe gruaja shtoi," Po, per arsyen e kesaj femije jam ketu," sepse ajo ishte akuzuar per vjedhjen e dy bebelinave dhe nje hekur hekurosje dhe e kishin futur ne burg. Dhe, kur ju afrova drejtorit te burgut, I thashe, "Duhet te lirosh kete grua, Nje gjyqtar do ta lironte." Dhe ai tha, " Mire, do te bisedojme rreth kesaj, po pa hidh syte ne kete burg. Tetedhjete perqind prej dy mije te burgosurve ketu nuk kane avokat. Si mund te veprojme? Keshtu, qe avokatet filluan me kurajo te madhe te mbidheshin se bashku dhe organizuan nje sistem ku mund te merrnin ceshtje njera pas tjetres. Por, ne kuptuam qe nuk ishte vetem trajnimi i avokateve, por maredheniet e avokateve me njeri-tjetrin bejne ndryshim te madh.
For example, in Cambodia, it was that [inaudible name] did not go alone but she had 24 lawyers with her who stood up together. And in the same way, in China, they always tell me, "It's like a fresh wind in the desert when we can come together." Or in Zimbabwe, where I remember Innocent, after coming out of a prison where everybody stood up and said, "I've been here for one year, eight years, 12 years without a lawyer," he came and we had a training together and he said, "I have heard it said" -- because he had heard people mumbling and grumbling -- "I have heard it said that we cannot help to create justice because we do not have the resources." And then he said, "But I want you to know that the lack of resources is never an excuse for injustice." And with that, he successfully organized 68 lawyers who have been systematically taking the cases.
Per shembull, ne Cambodia, ndodhi qe ( emer i paqarte) nuk u paraqit vetem por ajo kishte 24 avokate me vete te cilet punuan se bashku. Dhe po ne te njejten menyre, ne Kine, mesa me thone, " Eshte si era ne shkretetire kur mblidhesh se bashku per te ndryshuar dicka." Apo ne Zimbabwe, mesa me kujtohet I pafajshmi, pasi dilte nga burgu te gjithe mblidheshin se bashku dhe therrisnin, "Une kam qene ketu per nje vit,tete vjet, 12 vjet pa avokat mbrojtes," ai erdhi dhe ne patem nje trajnim se bashku dhe ai tha,"Kam degjuar qe"-- sepse kish degjuar njerezit duke mermeritur --" Kam degjuar se nuk mund te vazhdojme te krijojme drejtesi sepse nuk kemi burimet e duhura." Dhe me pas ai tha, " Por dua qe te jesh ne dijeni qe mungesa e burimeve ndihmese nuk mund te jete asnjehere justifikim per padrejtesi." Dhe me ate fjale, ai me plot sukses organizoi se bashku 68 avokate te cilet kane marre klasa sistematikisht
The key that we see, though, is training and then early access. I was recently in Egypt, and was inspired to meet with another group of lawyers, and what they told me is that they said, "Hey, look, we don't have police on the streets now. The police are one of the main reasons why we had the revolution. They were torturing everybody all the time." And I said, "But there's been tens of millions of dollars that have recently gone in to the development of the legal system here. What's going on?" I met with one of the development agencies, and they were training prosecutors and judges, which is the normal bias, as opposed to defenders. And they showed me a manual which actually was an excellent manual. I said, "I'm gonna copy this." It had everything in it. Lawyers can come at the police station. It was perfect. Prosecutors were perfectly trained. But I said to them, "I just have one question, which is, by the time that everybody got to the prosecutor's office, what had happened to them?" And after a pause, they said, "They had been tortured."
Pika kryesrore qe ne shikojme ketu, eshte trajnimi dhe dhenia e te drejtes per konsultim ligjor dhe mbrojtes. Kohet e fundit bera visite ne Egjipt, dhe u frymezova mjaft nga takimi me nje tjeter grup avokatesh, te cilet me treguan qe " Shiko, ne nuk kemi policine neper rruge me. Policia eshte dhe ishte nje nga arsyet krysore qe ne patem revolucion. Ata po torturonin te gjithe ne cdo lloj rasti." Dhe me pas ai tha, "Kane qene me dhjetra milione dollare te cilat kane shkuar per zhvillimin e nje sistemi me te mire ligjor. "Cpo behet?" U takova me nje nga agjensite e zhvillimit, dhe ata po trajnonin prokuroret dhe gjykatesit, qe normalisht jane ne nje ane kundrejt avokateteve mbrojtes. Ata me treguan nje manual me qe ra fjala, absolutisht shume i mire. Thashe, " Dua ta kopjoj kete" sepse gjendeshin te gjitha cfare duheshin. Avokatet mund te vine ne stacionin e policise. Ishte gje e perkryer. Prokuroret ishin absolutisht mjaft te trajnuar. Megjithate bera nje pyetje," derisa njerezit arrinin ne zyren e prokurorit, cfare i kishte ndodhur atyre?" Dhe pas nje qetesije te vogel, ata thane, " Ata jane te gjithe te torturuar."
So the pieces are, not only the training of the lawyers, but us finding a way to systematically implement early access to counsel, because they are the safeguard in the system for people who are being tortured. And as I tell you this, I'm also aware of the fact that it sounds like, "Oh, okay, it sounds like we could do it, but can we really do it?" Because it sounds big. And there are many reasons why I believe it's possible. The first reason is the people on the ground who find ways of creating miracles because of their commitment. It's not only Innocent, who I told you about in Zimbabwe, but defenders all over the world who are looking for these pieces. We have a program called JusticeMakers, and we realized there are people that are courageous and want to do things, but how can we support them? So it's an online contest where it's only five thousand dollars if you come up with and innovative way of implementing justice. And there are 30 JusticeMakers throughout the world, from Sri Lanka to Swaziland to the DRC, who with five thousand dollars do amazing things, through SMS programs, through paralegal programs, through whatever they can do.
Keshtu per ta permbledhur, jo vetem trajnimi i avokateve, por gjetem nje rruge te vepronim sistematikisht per tju dhene mundesine per konsultim mbrojtes ligjor te hershem, sepse ata jane drejtuset sigurues te ketij sistemi per te gjithe ata njerez qe jane torturuar. Dhe ndera une po ju tregoj, jam mese e bindur qe do te thuhet, " Ehh, mire, duket si lehte qe ne mund te bejme dicka, por a eshte e vertet a po jo, a mundemi ne?" Sepse duket si rruge shume e veshtire. Une me pa tjeter jam a bindur dhe kam shume arsye qe mund te realizohet. Arsyeja e pare eshte mbledhja e njerzve te cilet gjejne menyra nga me te ndryshmet per te krijuar mrekullira me dedikimin e tyre. Nuke eshte vetem pafajsija, per te cilen you tregova ne Zimbabwe, por dhe avokatet mbrojtes ne te gjithe boten te cilet kerkojne te merren me ceshtje te tilla. Ne kemi krijuar nje program i cili quhet," DrejtesiVenes, dhe ne e kuptuam qe ne kete bote ka njerez te tille qe jane me shume kurajo te madhe dhe duan te bejne gjera, por si mund ti perkrahim ne ata? Me qe ra fjala, eshte nje konkurs ne internet vetem pese mije dollare ne qofte se krijon nje novacion ne vendosjen e drejtesise. The gjenden 30 DrejtesiVenes ne te gjithe boten, qe nga Sri Lanka deri ne Swaziland, dhe akoma me tej ne DRC, te cilet me pese mije dollare bejne gjera te mrekullueshme, nepermjet programeve SMS, dhe nepermjet programeve parajuridike, dhe cdo gje qe mund te bejne.
And it's not only these JusticeMakers, but people we courageously see figure out who their networks are and how they can move it forward.
Dhe nuk jane vetem keta Avokate te drejtesise, por dhe njerez te tjere kurajoze qe shikojne te zgjidhin nepermjet mardhenieve te tyre dhe te ecin gjithmone perpara.
So in China, for instance, great laws came out where it says police cannot torture people or they will be punished. And I was sitting side by side with one of our very courageous lawyers, and said, "How can we get this out? How can we make sure that this is implemented? This is fantastic." And he said to me, "Well, do you have money?" And I said, "No." And he said, "That's okay, we can still figure it out." And on December 4, he organized three thousand members of the Youth Communist League, from 14 of the top law schools, who organized themselves, developed posters with the new laws, and went to the police stations and began what he says is a non-violent legal revolution to protect citizen rights. So I talked about the fact that we need to train and support defenders. We need to systematically implement early access to counsel. But the third and most important thing is that we make a commitment to this.
Keshtu pra, ne Kine, per shembull, ligje te medha hyne ne fuqi sipas te cilave policia e ka te ndaluar te torturoje njerzit denohet per kete. Isha ulur ne krah me nje nga avokatet me kurajoze i cili tha, "Si mund te dalim prej kesaj situate? Si mund te bejme te mundur qe ky lloj ligji te hyje ne fuqi? Sepse kjo eshte fantastike. " Dhe me pas ai tha, " Ah, a ke para?" Dhe me pas vazhdoi, "Jo." U pergjigj, " Nuk ka gje, sepse ne perseri do te gjejme nje rrugezgjidhje." Dhe ne daten 4 Dhjetor, ai organizoi tre mije anetare te rinise Komuniste, nga 14 shkollat juridike me te mira, te cilet u mblodhen se bashku, dhe zhvilluan pankarta me ligjet e reja, dhe shkuan ne departamentet e policise dhe filluan, ate qe ai e quan, nje revolucion legal jo me force per te mbrojtur te drejtat e qytetareve. Fillova te bisedoja qe ne kishim nevoje per te trajnuar dhe perkrahur avokatet mbrojtes. Ne duhet te veprojme sistematikisht per te drejten per konsultim ligjor te hershem. Por, e treta, dhe me e rendesishmja nga te gjitha eshte dedikimi qe do te bejme ne rreth kesaj gjeje.
And people often say to me, "You know, this is great, but it's wildly idealistic. Never going to happen." And the reason that I think that those words are interesting is because those were the same kinds of words that were used for people who decided they would end slavery, or end apartheid. It began with a small group of people who decided they would commit.
Dhe njerzit zakonisht me thone, " A e di ti qe, kjo eshte gje shume e mire, por eshte absolutisht ideale. Asnjehere nuk mund te realizohet." Dhe arsyeja pse e mendoj qe keto fjale jane interesante eshte sepse jane po te njejtat fjale qe ishin perdorur per njerzit te cilen vendosen qe do ti jepnin fund skllaverise, ose apartedit. Filloi me grupe shume te vogla qe vendosen te dedikoheshin .
Now, there's one of our favorite poems from the defenders, which they share from each other, is: "Take courage friends, the road is often long, the path is never clear, and the stakes are very high, but deep down, you are not alone." And I believe that if we can come together as a world community to support not only defenders, but also everyone in the system who is looking towards it, we can end torture as an investigative tool. I end always, because I'm sure the questions are -- and I'd be happy to talk to you at any point -- "But what can I really do?" Well, I would say this. First of all, you know what you can do. But second of all, I would leave you with the story of Vishna, who actually was my inspiration for starting International Bridges to Justice.
Tani, kjo nje nga poezite e preferuara nga avokatet mbrojtes, qe e ndajne midis tyre : " Kurajo, shoke, rruga eshte gjithmone e gjate, rruga s'eshte kurre e qarte, dhe pengesat jane shume te larta, por ne fund, nuk jeni vetem." Dhe une mendoj qe ne mund te organizohemi si nje komunitet boteror te perkrahim jo vetem avokatet mbrojetes, por te gjithe te tjeret brenda ketij sistemi te cilet perkrahin ate, per ti dhene fund torturave si mjet investigues. Gjithmone i jap fund, sepse jam e sigurt pyetjet jane- dhe jam shume e lumtur te flas me ju ne cdo pike --" Po cfare mund te bej une?" Atehere, do te pergjigjesha keshtu. Mbi te gjitha, you e dini se cfare mund te beni. Por e dyta eshte, do tju tregoj historine e Vishnes, e cila me dha nje frymezim te madh per te filluar kete Ure te Drejtesise Internacionale.
Vishna was a 4-year-old boy when I met him who was born in a Cambodian prison in Kandal Province. But because he was born in the prison, everybody loved him, including the guards, so he was the only one who was allowed to come in and out of the bars. So, you know, there's bars. And by the time that Vishna was getting bigger, which means what gets bigger? Your head gets bigger. So he would come to the first bar, the second bar and then the third bar, and then really slowly move his head so he could fit through, and come back, third, second, first. And he would grab my pinkie, because what he wanted to do every day is he wanted to go visit. You know, he never quite made it to all of them every day, but he wanted to visit all 156 prisoners. And I would lift him, and he would put his fingers through. Or if they were dark cells, it was like iron corrugated, and he would put his fingers through.
Vishna ishte nje djale 4-vjecar, kur e takova dhe ai ishte lindur ne burgun e Cambodies ne Provincen e Kandalit. Por ngaqe kishte lindur ne burg, te gjithe njerezit e donin ate, duke perfshire dhe rojet e burgut, ai ishte i vetmi njeri i cili ishte i lejuar te vinte brenda dhe jashte hekurave te burgut. Pra, e dini, ka hekura. Po ne ate kohe, kur Vishna po rritej me shume, cfare po rritej me te? Koka po i behej me e madhe. Keshtu, ai kalonte hekurat e para, dhe pastaj te dytat, hekurat e treta, dhe astaj shume ngadale zhvendos koken qe te mund ta nxinte dhe dilte te tretat, te dytat, te parat. Ai me kapte gishten e vogel, sepse ai donte qe ti bente keto vizita cdo dite. You e dini, ai jo gjithmone arrinte ti bente cdo dite, por ai donte ti vizitonte te gjithe 156 te burgosurit. Une do ta ngrija ate, dhe ai do te kalonte gishtat e tij permes hekurave. Dhe nese qelite ishin te errta, me llamarine te valezuar, ai do te kalonte gishtat ne mes tyre.
And most of the prisoners said that he was their greatest joy and their sunshine, and they looked forward to him. And I was like, here's Vishna. He's a 4-year-old boy. He was born in a prison with almost nothing, no material goods, but he had a sense of his own heroic journey, which I believe we are all born into. He said, "Probably I can't do everything. But I'm one. I can do something. And I will do the one thing that I can do." So I thank you for having the prophetic imagination to imagine the shaping of a new world with us together, and invite you into this journey with us.
Shumica e te burgosurve thonin qe ai ishte gezimi i tyre me i madh, drita e diellit, dhe me zor e prisnin ate. Dhe une u thosha, ja ku eshte Vishna. Ai eshte nje djale 4 vjec. Ai ka lindur ne burg dhe s'ka asgje, pa te mira materiale, por ama ai ka nje ndjenje te forte ne udhetimin e tij heroik, qe besoj te gjithe kemi lindur me ate lloj besimi. Ai tha, " Une, ndoshta nuk mund te bej gjithcka. Por jam nje. Une mund te bej dicka. Dhe do te bej ate gje qe mund te bej." Keshtu qe ju falenderoj qe keni imagjinaten profetike per te formuar nje bote te re duke na perfshire dhe ne se bashku, dhe ju ftoj ne kete udhetim me ne.
Thank you.
Faleminerit.
(Applause)
(Duartokritje)
Thank you.
Faleminderit.
(Applause)
Duartokritje
Thank you.
Faleminderit.
(Applause)
Duartokritje