Twelve years ago, I picked up a camera for the first time to film the olive harvest in a Palestinian village in the West Bank. I thought I was there to make a single documentary and would then move on to some other part of the world. But something kept bringing me back.
十二年前,我第一次拿起相机 去拍摄一个位于约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦村庄的橄榄收割活动 我本打算去那里拍一个纪录片 然后就会离开去其他地方 但有些东西让我一直割舍不开
Now, usually, when international audiences hear about that part of the world, they often just want that conflict to go away. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is bad, and we wish it could just disappear. We feel much the same way about other conflicts around the world. But every time we turn our attention to the news, it seems like one more country has gone up in flames. So I've been wondering whether we should not start looking at conflict in a different way -- whether instead of simply wishing to end conflict, we focus instead on how to wage conflict. This has been a big question for me, one I've pursued together with my team at the nonprofit Just Vision. After witnessing several different kinds of struggles in the Middle East, I started noticing some patterns on the more successful ones. I wondered whether these variables held across cases, and if they did, what lessons we could glean for waging constructive conflict, in Palestine, Israel and elsewhere.
现如今,当国际上的听众了解世界的那个部分后 他们只希望冲突早点结束 巴以冲突严重,我们只想它能消失 我们对世界上的其他冲突也怀有同样的感受 但好像每次我们注意到新闻 都会有另一个国家陷入战火 所以我一直在想 我们是否应该从不同的角度看待冲突 是否应该聚焦于冲突是如何发动的 而不是仅仅希望能结束冲突 这对我而言一直是个大问题 一个我和我在非盈利组织Just Vision的团队一直在追寻的问题 在目睹了中东地区几种不同的尝试之后 我开始注意到那些更为成功的尝试所具有的方式 我想知道这些变量是否存在于其他情况,如果是的话 我们能从中学到哪些以在巴基斯坦、以色列等 开展建设性冲突
There is some science about this. In a study of 323 major political conflicts from 1900 to 2006, Maria Stephan and Erica Chenoweth found that nonviolent campaigns were almost 100 percent more likely to lead to success than violent campaigns. Nonviolent campaigns are also less likely to cause physical harm to those waging the campaign, as well as their opponents. And, critically, they typically lead to more peaceful and democratic societies. In other words, nonviolent resistance is a more effective and constructive way of waging conflict.
这背后有其科学道理 在一项关于1900年~2006年间的 323起政治冲突的研究中 Maria Stephan 和 Erica Chenoweth发现非暴力运动 相较于暴力运动高出接近一倍的成功率 非暴力运动也更不易对运动发起人 造成身体上的伤害 对其对手而言也是如此 并且,严格说来,也通常会得到更和平和民主的社会 换句话说,非暴力抵抗是一个更高效和建设性的 发起抗争的方法
But if that's such an easy choice, why don't more groups use it? Political scientist Victor Asal and colleagues have looked at several factors that shape a political group's choice of tactics. And it turns out that the greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence or violence is not whether that group is more left-wing or right-wing, not whether the group is more or less influenced by religious beliefs, not whether it's up against a democracy or a dictatorship, and not even the levels of repression that that group is facing. The greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence is its ideology regarding the role of women in public life.
但如果这是个显而易见的选择,为什么没有更多的团体运用它? 政治学家 Victor Asal 和他的同事 调查了影响政治团体策略选择的 几个因素 结果表明影响一个运动采取非暴力或是暴力的决定 的最大影响因素 不是这个团体是更偏向左翼还是右翼 也不是团体被宗教信仰影响的多少 不是它反抗的是民主还是独裁 甚至也不是这个团体遭受镇压迫的水平 影响一个运动的采用非暴力的决定的最大因素是 它关于女人在公共生活中角色的意识形态
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[掌声]
When a movement includes in its discourse language around gender equality, it increases dramatically the chances it will adopt nonviolence, and thus, the likelihood it will succeed.
当一个运动在其议题中 包含性别平等时 它采取非暴力的几率戏剧性增长 如此一来,它成功的可能性也相应增长
The research squared up with my own documentation of political organizing in Israel and Palestine. I've noticed that movements which welcome women into leadership positions, such as the one I documented in a village called Budrus, were much more likely to achieve their goals. This village was under a real threat of being wiped off the map when Israel started building the separation barrier. The proposed route would require the destruction of this community's olive groves, their cemeteries and would ultimately enclose the village from all sides. Through inspired local leadership, they launched a nonviolent resistance campaign to stop that from happening. The odds were massively stacked against them. But they had a secret weapon: a 15-year-old girl who courageously jumped in front of a bulldozer which was about to uproot an olive tree, stopping it. In that moment, the community of Budrus realized what was possible if they welcomed and encouraged women to participate in public life. And so it was that the women of Budrus went to the front lines day after day, using their creativity and acumen to overcome multiple obstacles they faced in a 10-month unarmed struggle. And as you can probably tell at this point, they win at the end.
这项研究和我自己对巴以政治组织的记录 结论不谋而合 我注意到那些欢迎女性进入领导层的运动 比如我在一个叫做Budrus的村子记录的一个例子 就非常容易实现他们的目标 当以色列开始修建隔离墙的时候 这个村子面临这被从地图上抹去的切实危险 原定的(隔离墙)路线会 摧毁这个社区的橄榄园、他们的墓地 还会将这个村子从各个方向上完全隔离开来 通过富有灵感的当地领导 他们发起了一项旨在组织毁灭发生的抵抗运动 形势对他们很不利 但他们有一件秘密武器: 一个15岁的女孩 她曾勇敢地跳到一辆推土机前 阻止了它去推倒一颗橄榄树 在那一刻,Budrus的居民们意识到是有可能的 如果他们欢迎并鼓励女人参与到公共生活中去 也正是Budrus的女人们日复一日地到前线 发挥她们的创造性和敏锐性 以克服她们在为期10个月的非武装斗争中面临的众多障碍 正如你可以想见的那样 她们最终赢了
The separation barrier was changed completely to the internationally recognized green line, and the women of Budrus came to be known across the West Bank for their indomitable energy.
隔离墙被完全改道到 国际认可的绿线内 Budrus的女人们也因她们不屈不挠的活力 名声响彻西岸地区
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[掌声]
Thank you.
谢谢
I want to pause for a second, which you helped me do, because I do want to tackle two very serious misunderstandings that could happen at this point. The first one is that I don't believe women are inherently or essentially more peaceful than men. But I do believe that in today's world, women experience power differently. Having had to navigate being in the less powerful position in multiple aspects of their lives, women are often more adept at how to surreptitiously pressure for change against large, powerful actors. The term "manipulative," often charged against women in a derogatory way, reflects a reality in which women have often had to find ways other than direct confrontation to achieve their goals. And finding alternatives to direct confrontation is at the core of nonviolent resistance.
我想暂停片刻,你们也已经帮我实现了 因为我想解决两个目前可能发生的 两个很严重的误解 第一个是我不认为 女人天生比男人更和平 但是我确实相信在当今世界 女人执行权利与男人不同 在生活中的各个方面 都处于劣势地位的情况下艰难前行 女人往往更善于 面对强大的行动者时 隐蔽地施压寻求改变 ‘操纵’这个常被用来指责女人的词 反应了这样一个现实,女人为了实现目标 必须找到除直接对抗之外的方法 而寻找直接对抗的另一种选择 正是非暴力抵抗的核心
Now to the second potential misunderstanding. I've been talking a lot about my experiences in the Middle East, and some of you might be thinking now that the solution then is for us to educate Muslim and Arab societies to be more inclusive of their women. If we were to do that, they would be more successful. They do not need this kind of help. Women have been part of the most influential movements coming out of the Middle East, but they tend to be invisible to the international community. Our cameras are largely focused on the men who often end up involved in the more confrontational scenes that we find so irresistible in our news cycle. And we end up with a narrative that not only erases women from the struggles in the region but often misrepresents the struggles themselves.
至于第二个可能的误解 我一直在谈论我在中东地区的经历 你们有些人可能在想 问题的解决方案在于教育穆斯林和阿拉伯社会 对女性更加包容 如果我们要那么做,她们可以更加成功 她们不需要这种帮助 女人参与了中东地区的 最有影响力的运动 但她们对于国际社会来说是隐形的 我们的摄像头大部分都对准了 那些在让我们屏息的新闻场景中 直接对抗的男人们 我们通常以一种不仅抹平了 地区斗争中的女人 而且错误描述了运动本身的叙事方法
In the late 1980s, an uprising started in Gaza, and quickly spread to the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It came to be known as the First Intifada, and people who have any visual memory of it generally conjure up something like this: Palestinian men throwing rocks at Israeli tanks. The news coverage at the time made it seem like stones, Molotov cocktails and burning tires were the only activities taking place in the Intifada. This period, though, was also marked by widespread nonviolent organizing in the forms of strikes, sit-ins and the creation of parallel institutions.
在20世纪80年代后期,一场起义发端于加沙 迅速传播到西岸地区和东耶路撒冷 这场起义后来被称为“巴勒斯坦大起义 ” 任何对这场起义仍有视觉记忆的人 一般会想起这样的场景: 巴基斯坦男人向以色列坦克扔石块 当时的新闻报道 让它看起来好像石头、燃烧弹和燃烧的轮胎 是在这场起义中出现的所有东西 然而,这个时期也同样充斥着非暴力的组织形式 罢工、静坐及平行组织的其他活动
During the First Intifada, whole sectors of the Palestinian civilian population mobilized, cutting across generations, factions and class lines. They did this through networks of popular committees, and their use of direct action and communal self-help projects challenged Israel's very ability to continue ruling the West Bank and Gaza. According to the Israeli Army itself, 97 percent of activities during the First Intifada were unarmed.
在大起义期间 所有的巴基斯坦民族都动员起来 跨越了世代、派系和阶级的界限 他们通过人民委员会网络实现这一切 他们对直接行动和社区自助项目的运用 直接挑战了以色列持续统治西岸和加沙 的能力 根据以色列军队自己的说法 大起义期间,百分之97的活动是没有武装的
And here's another thing that is not part of our narrative about that time. For 18 months in the Intifada, women were the ones calling the shots behind the scenes: Palestinian women from all walks of life in charge of mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people in a concerted effort to withdraw consent from the occupation. Naela Ayesh, who strived to build a self-sufficient Palestinian economy by encouraging women in Gaza to grow vegetables in their backyards, an activity deemed illegal by the Israeli authorities at that time; Rabeha Diab, who took over decision-making authority for the entire uprising when the men who had been running it were deported; Fatima Al Jaafari, who swallowed leaflets containing the uprising's directives in order to spread them across the territories without getting caught; and Zahira Kamal, who ensured the longevity of the uprising by leading an organization that went from 25 women to 3,000 in a single year. Despite their extraordinary achievements, none of these women have made it into our narrative of the First Intifada.
还有一件事情是谈论那个世代时没有提到的 大起义间的18个月 女人们在幕后发号施令 来自各个阶层的巴基斯坦女人 负责动员成千上万的人 共同努力从占领撤回统一 Naela Ayyash力求通过鼓励加沙的女人在后院种植蔬菜 建立一个自足的巴基斯坦经济 这项活动被当时的以色列政府视为非法 Rabeha Diab 在负责运行整个起义的男人 被驱逐后 扛起了指定决策的大旗 Fatima AL Jaafari吞下含有起义指令的传单 以免在穿越整个领土传递的时候 被抓到 还有Zahira kamal 她通过领导一个 在仅仅一年间人数从25位女人增长到3000的组织 保证了起义的长期进行 尽管有这些非凡的成就 没有一个女人进入了我们关于大起义的描述中
We do this in other parts of the globe, too. In our history books, for instance, and in our collective consciousness, men are the public faces and spokespersons for the 1960s struggle for racial justice in the United States. But women were also a critical driving force, mobilizing, organizing, taking to the streets. How many of us think of Septima Clark when we think of the United States Civil Rights era? Remarkably few. But she played a crucial role in every phase of the struggle, particularly by emphasizing literacy and education. She's been omitted, ignored, like so many other women who played critical roles in the United States Civil Rights Movement.
在世界上的其他地方,我们也是如此行事 比如在我们的历史教科书和集体意识中 对于20世纪60年代的运动 对于美国的种族平等 公众面孔和发言人的形象都是男人 但是女人也是动员、组织、上街的 一股关键力量 我们当中有多少人在想到美国民权运动年代时 会想到Septima Clark? 很少有人 但她在运动的每一个阶段都起到了关键作用 特别是她对读写教育的强调 她被省略,被忽略 正如其他那些在美国民权运动中 起到关键角色的女人一样
This is not about getting credit. It's more profound than that. The stories we tell matter deeply to how we see ourselves, and to how we believe movements are run and how movements are won. The stories we tell about a movement like the First Intifada or the United States Civil Rights era matter deeply and have a critical influence in the choices Palestinians, Americans and people around the world will make next time they encounter an injustice and develop the courage to confront it. If we do not lift up the women who played critical roles in these struggles, we fail to offer up role models to future generations. Without role models, it becomes harder for women to take up their rightful space in public life. And as we saw earlier, one of the most critical variables in determining whether a movement will be successful or not is a movement's ideology regarding the role of women in public life.
这不是关于得到功劳 这比那意义深远的多 我们讲述的故事对我们如何看待自己 我们认为运动是如何进行的 运动是怎样成功的至关重要 我们的关于运动的故事,比如大起义 或者美国民权运动世代 影响深远 并且对巴基斯坦人 美国人 以及第三世界国家的人民在 再次遇到不公待遇时采取的抉择 以及获得对抗的勇气都有关键性的影响 如果我们不表彰那些在斗争中起到关键作用的女人们 我们就不能为后代树立榜样 没有榜样,在公共生活中 女人要想取得自己合乎权利的空间 会更加困难 正如我们之前所见 决定一个运动成功与否的 关键因素之一 是这个运动关于女人在公共生活中角色的 意识形态
This is a question of whether we're moving towards more democratic and peaceful societies. In a world where so much change is happening, and where change is bound to continue at an increasingly faster pace, it is not a question of whether we will face conflict, but rather a question of which stories will shape how we choose to wage conflict.
这是一个我们是否向向 更加民主和和平社会转变的问题 在一个如此多的变化正在发生的世界 变化本身注定要以更快的步伐继续下去 这不是我们是否会面对冲突的问题 而是哪些故事 能影响我们如何选择 发起冲突的问题
Thank you.
谢谢
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[掌声]