Twelve years ago, I picked up a camera for the first time to film the olive harvest in a Palestinian village in the West Bank. I thought I was there to make a single documentary and would then move on to some other part of the world. But something kept bringing me back.
Pre 12 godina, prvi put sam u ruke uzela kameru da bih snimala branje maslina u palestinskom selu blizu Zapadne obale. Mislila sam da sam bila tamo da napravim jedan dokumentarac i da bih onda prešla na neki drugi kraj sveta. Ali nešto me je vraćalo.
Now, usually, when international audiences hear about that part of the world, they often just want that conflict to go away. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is bad, and we wish it could just disappear. We feel much the same way about other conflicts around the world. But every time we turn our attention to the news, it seems like one more country has gone up in flames. So I've been wondering whether we should not start looking at conflict in a different way -- whether instead of simply wishing to end conflict, we focus instead on how to wage conflict. This has been a big question for me, one I've pursued together with my team at the nonprofit Just Vision. After witnessing several different kinds of struggles in the Middle East, I started noticing some patterns on the more successful ones. I wondered whether these variables held across cases, and if they did, what lessons we could glean for waging constructive conflict, in Palestine, Israel and elsewhere.
Obično kada međunarodna publika čuje za taj deo sveta, često samo žele da taj konflikt nestane. Konflikt Izraela i Palestine je loš i želeli bismo da prosto nestane. Isto se osećamo što se tiče i drugih konflikata u svetu. Ali svaki put kada obratimo pažnju na vesti, čini se kao da još jedna država gori u plamenu. Pa sam se pitala da li treba da počnemo da gledamo na konflikt na drugačiji način - umesto da prosto želimo da se konflikt završi, umesto toga da se fokusiramo na to kako da vodimo konflikt. To je za mene bilo veliko pitanje, koje sam razrađivala sa mojim timom u neprofitnoj organizaciji Just Vision. Nakon što sam videla razne vrste patnje na Bliskom istoku, počela sam da primećujem neke šablone kod uspešnijih vrsta. Pitala sam se da li su ove varijable jednake u raznim slučajevima, i ako jesu, koje lekcije možemo izvući za vođenje konstruktivnog konflikta u Palestini, Izraelu i šire.
There is some science about this. In a study of 323 major political conflicts from 1900 to 2006, Maria Stephan and Erica Chenoweth found that nonviolent campaigns were almost 100 percent more likely to lead to success than violent campaigns. Nonviolent campaigns are also less likely to cause physical harm to those waging the campaign, as well as their opponents. And, critically, they typically lead to more peaceful and democratic societies. In other words, nonviolent resistance is a more effective and constructive way of waging conflict.
Ovde ima i nauke. U proučavanju 323 velika politička konflikta od 1900. do 2006, Marija Stefan i Erika Čenovet otkrile su da su nenasilne kampanje bile skoro 100% sklonije uspehu od nasilnih kampanja. Takođe je manje verovatno da nasilne kampanje dovedu do fizičke povrede za one koji su uključeni u nju, kao i za protivnike. Kritički gledano, obično vode do mirnijih i demokratskijih društava. Drugim rečima, nenasilan otpor je efikasniji i konstruktivniji način za vođenje konflikta.
But if that's such an easy choice, why don't more groups use it? Political scientist Victor Asal and colleagues have looked at several factors that shape a political group's choice of tactics. And it turns out that the greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence or violence is not whether that group is more left-wing or right-wing, not whether the group is more or less influenced by religious beliefs, not whether it's up against a democracy or a dictatorship, and not even the levels of repression that that group is facing. The greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence is its ideology regarding the role of women in public life.
Ali ako je to tako lak izbor, zašto ga ne koristi više grupa? Politikolog Viktor Asal i njegove kolege pogledali su nekoliko faktora koji oblikuju izbor taktika neke političke grupe. Ispostavlja se da je najveći faktor predviđanja odluke nekog pokreta da bude nasilan ili nenasilan ne to da li je grupa više levičarska ili desničarska, ne to da li na grupu manje ili više utiču verska uverenja, ne to da li je grupa protiv demokratije ili diktature, i ne čak ni nivo represije sa kojom se grupa suočava. Najveći faktor predviđanja odluke nekog pokreta da usvoji nenasilje je njegova ideologija koja se tiče uloge žene u javnom životu.
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When a movement includes in its discourse language around gender equality, it increases dramatically the chances it will adopt nonviolence, and thus, the likelihood it will succeed.
Kada pokret u svoj diskurs uključi jezik koji se tiče rodne ravnopravnosti, on drastično povećava šanse da će usvojiti nenasilje, i stoga i verovatnoću da će uspeti.
The research squared up with my own documentation of political organizing in Israel and Palestine. I've noticed that movements which welcome women into leadership positions, such as the one I documented in a village called Budrus, were much more likely to achieve their goals. This village was under a real threat of being wiped off the map when Israel started building the separation barrier. The proposed route would require the destruction of this community's olive groves, their cemeteries and would ultimately enclose the village from all sides. Through inspired local leadership, they launched a nonviolent resistance campaign to stop that from happening. The odds were massively stacked against them. But they had a secret weapon: a 15-year-old girl who courageously jumped in front of a bulldozer which was about to uproot an olive tree, stopping it. In that moment, the community of Budrus realized what was possible if they welcomed and encouraged women to participate in public life. And so it was that the women of Budrus went to the front lines day after day, using their creativity and acumen to overcome multiple obstacles they faced in a 10-month unarmed struggle. And as you can probably tell at this point, they win at the end.
Istraživanje se poklopilo sa mojim zapisima o politčkim organizacijama u Izraelu i Palestini. Primetila sam da pokreti koji prihvataju žene na vodećim mestima, poput onih koje sam dokumentovala u selu zvanom Budrus, imaju veću verovatnoću da ostvare svoje ciljeve. Selo je bilo pod stvarnom pretnjom da bude izbrisano sa mape kada je Izrael počeo da diže barijeru za odvajanje. Predložena ruta bi podrazumevala uništavanje sadnica masline u ovoj zajednici, njihovih grobalja i na kraju bi zatvorila selo sa svih strana. Kroz nadahnuto lokalno vođstvo, pokrenuli su nenasilnu kampanju otpora da spreče da se sve ovo desi. Nisu imali skoro nikakve šanse. Ali imali su tajno oružje: devojčicu od 15 godina koja je hrabro skočila pred buldožer, koji je trebalo da sruši drvo masline, i tako ga je zaustavila. U tom trenutku, zajednica Budrusa shvatila je šta je moguće, ukoliko prihvate i ohrabre žene da učestvuju u javnom životu. Tako su žene Budrusa odlazile na front, dan za danom, koristeći svoju kreativnost i sposobnost da prevaziđu višestruke prepreke u nenasilnoj borbi koja je trajala 10 meseci. Kao što već možete pretpostaviti, na kraju su pobedile.
The separation barrier was changed completely to the internationally recognized green line, and the women of Budrus came to be known across the West Bank for their indomitable energy.
Barijera za odvajanje je potpuno izmenjena do međunarodno priznate zelene linije, i žene Budrusa postale su poznate širom Zapadne obale po svojoj nesavladivoj energiji.
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(Aplauz)
Thank you.
Hvala vam.
I want to pause for a second, which you helped me do, because I do want to tackle two very serious misunderstandings that could happen at this point. The first one is that I don't believe women are inherently or essentially more peaceful than men. But I do believe that in today's world, women experience power differently. Having had to navigate being in the less powerful position in multiple aspects of their lives, women are often more adept at how to surreptitiously pressure for change against large, powerful actors. The term "manipulative," often charged against women in a derogatory way, reflects a reality in which women have often had to find ways other than direct confrontation to achieve their goals. And finding alternatives to direct confrontation is at the core of nonviolent resistance.
Želim da stanem na sekund, u čemu ste mi vi pomogli, jer želim da se suočim sa dve veoma pogrešne pretpostavke koje sada mogu da nastanu. Prva je ta da ne verujem da su žene suštinski ili same po sebi miroljubivije od muškaraca. Ali verujem da u današnjem svetu žene moć doživljavaju drugačije. Pošto su morale da se nose sa tim da su u slabijem položaju u više aspekata svojih života, žene su često veštije u tome da se krišom izbore za promenu protiv velikih, moćnih igrača. Izraz "manipulativne" se često koristio protiv žena u negativnom smislu i on odražava stvarnost u kojoj su žene često morale da smisle načine da dođu do svojih ciljeva, uz izbegavanje direktnog sukoba. Pronalaženje alternativa direktnom sukobu je u samoj srži nenasilnog otpora.
Now to the second potential misunderstanding. I've been talking a lot about my experiences in the Middle East, and some of you might be thinking now that the solution then is for us to educate Muslim and Arab societies to be more inclusive of their women. If we were to do that, they would be more successful. They do not need this kind of help. Women have been part of the most influential movements coming out of the Middle East, but they tend to be invisible to the international community. Our cameras are largely focused on the men who often end up involved in the more confrontational scenes that we find so irresistible in our news cycle. And we end up with a narrative that not only erases women from the struggles in the region but often misrepresents the struggles themselves.
Sada idemo na drugo potencijalno nerazumevanje. Pričala sam mnogo o svojim iskustvima na Bliskom istoku i neki od vas sada možda misle da je rešenje da obrazujemo muslimanska i arapska društva da budu inkluzivniji prema svojim ženama. Kada bismo to uradili, oni bi bili uspešniji. Njima nije potrebna ovakva pomoć. Žene su bile uključene u najuticanije pokrete koji potiču iz Bliskog istoka, ali kao da su nevidvljive za međunarodnu zajednicu. Naše kamere su uglavnom fokusirane na muškarce koji često završe umešani u neposrednijim situacijima, koje su nam često neodoljive za izveštavanje. Tako završimo sa narativom koji ne samo da briše žene iz borbi u regionu već i često pogrešno tumači same borbe.
In the late 1980s, an uprising started in Gaza, and quickly spread to the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It came to be known as the First Intifada, and people who have any visual memory of it generally conjure up something like this: Palestinian men throwing rocks at Israeli tanks. The news coverage at the time made it seem like stones, Molotov cocktails and burning tires were the only activities taking place in the Intifada. This period, though, was also marked by widespread nonviolent organizing in the forms of strikes, sit-ins and the creation of parallel institutions.
Krajem 1980-tih, u Gazi je pokrenut ustanak i brzo se raširio na Zapadnu obalu i Istočni Jerusalim. Postao je poznat kao Prva intifada i ljudi koji ga se sećaju uglavnom imaju ovakve izjave: palestinski muškarci bacali su kamenje na izraelske tenkove. Iz izveštavanja iz tog vremena izgledalo je kao da su jedine aktivnosti koje su se dešavale u Intifadi bile kamenje, molotovljevi kokteli i zapaljene gume. Ipak, ovaj period su obeležili i rašireni nenasilni skupovi u vidu štrajkova, okupiranja mesta i stvaranja paralelnih institucija.
During the First Intifada, whole sectors of the Palestinian civilian population mobilized, cutting across generations, factions and class lines. They did this through networks of popular committees, and their use of direct action and communal self-help projects challenged Israel's very ability to continue ruling the West Bank and Gaza. According to the Israeli Army itself, 97 percent of activities during the First Intifada were unarmed.
Tokom Prve intifade, cele grupe palestinskih grupa civila bile su mobilisane, bez obzira na generaciju, frakciju i klasu. Ovo su uradili kroz mreže popularnih komiteta, i njihovo korišćenje direktne akcije i društvenih projekata za samopomoć izazvalo je samu sposobnost Izraela da nastavi da vlada Zapadnom obalom i Gazom. Kako navodi sama vojska Izraela, 97% aktivnosti tokom Prve intifade bilo je bez oružja.
And here's another thing that is not part of our narrative about that time. For 18 months in the Intifada, women were the ones calling the shots behind the scenes: Palestinian women from all walks of life in charge of mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people in a concerted effort to withdraw consent from the occupation. Naela Ayesh, who strived to build a self-sufficient Palestinian economy by encouraging women in Gaza to grow vegetables in their backyards, an activity deemed illegal by the Israeli authorities at that time; Rabeha Diab, who took over decision-making authority for the entire uprising when the men who had been running it were deported; Fatima Al Jaafari, who swallowed leaflets containing the uprising's directives in order to spread them across the territories without getting caught; and Zahira Kamal, who ensured the longevity of the uprising by leading an organization that went from 25 women to 3,000 in a single year. Despite their extraordinary achievements, none of these women have made it into our narrative of the First Intifada.
Evo još jedne stvari koja nije deo našeg narativa što se tiče tog vremena. Tokom 18 meseci Intifade, žene su naređivale iza kulisa: palestinske žene iz svih društvenih slojeva bile su zadužene za mobilisanje stotine hiljada ljudi u koncentrisanom naporu da odbiju pristanak za okupaciju. Naela Ajaš, koja je težila tome da napravi samoodrživu palestinsku ekonomiju tako što je podržavala žene Gaze da gaje povrće u svojim baštama, a to je bila ilegalna aktivnost za tadašnje vlasti Izraela; Rabeha Diab, koja je preuzela donošenje odluka za čitav ustanak, kada su deportovani muškarci koji su ga vodili, Fatima Al Džafari, koja je gutala letke sa uputstvima za ustanak kako bi ih širila preko teritorija, a da je ne uhvate; i Zahira Kamala, koja se postarala da ustanak traje, tako što je vodila organizaciju koja je porasla sa 25 na 3000 žena tokom jedne godine. Uprkos njihovim izvanrednim dostignućima, nijedna od ovih žena nije dospela u naš narativ o Prvoj intifadi.
We do this in other parts of the globe, too. In our history books, for instance, and in our collective consciousness, men are the public faces and spokespersons for the 1960s struggle for racial justice in the United States. But women were also a critical driving force, mobilizing, organizing, taking to the streets. How many of us think of Septima Clark when we think of the United States Civil Rights era? Remarkably few. But she played a crucial role in every phase of the struggle, particularly by emphasizing literacy and education. She's been omitted, ignored, like so many other women who played critical roles in the United States Civil Rights Movement.
Ovo radimo i u drugim delovima sveta. Na primer, u našim udžbenicima istorije, i u našoj kolektivnoj svesti, muškarci su javna lica i zastupnici borbe za rasnu ravnopravnost 1960-tih u Sjedinjenim Državama. Ali i žene su bile ključni pokretač, mobilišući, organizujući, izlazeći na ulice. Koliko nas pomisli na Septimu Klark kada pomislimo na Sjedinjene države u periodu borbe za ljudska prava? Veoma malo nas. Ali igrala je ključnu ulogu u svakoj fazi borbe, naročito tako što je naglašavala pismenost i obrazovanja. Izostavljena je i ignorisana poput mnogih drugih žena koje su igrale ključne uloge u pokretu za ljudska prava u Sjedinjenim Državama.
This is not about getting credit. It's more profound than that. The stories we tell matter deeply to how we see ourselves, and to how we believe movements are run and how movements are won. The stories we tell about a movement like the First Intifada or the United States Civil Rights era matter deeply and have a critical influence in the choices Palestinians, Americans and people around the world will make next time they encounter an injustice and develop the courage to confront it. If we do not lift up the women who played critical roles in these struggles, we fail to offer up role models to future generations. Without role models, it becomes harder for women to take up their rightful space in public life. And as we saw earlier, one of the most critical variables in determining whether a movement will be successful or not is a movement's ideology regarding the role of women in public life.
Ovo se ne tiče pripisivanja zasluga. Dublje je od toga. Priče koje pričamo veoma su bitne za to kako vidimo sebe i kako verujemo da se vode pokreti i kako pokreti pobeđuju. Priče koje pričamo o pokretima poput Prve intifade ili periodu borbe za ljudska prava u SAD veoma su bitne i imaju ključni uticaj na izbore Palestinaca, Amerikanaca i na one izbore koje će ljudi širom sveta doneti naredni put kada se suoče sa nepravdom i skupe hrabrost da se sukobe s njom. Ukoliko ne slavimo žene koje su igrale ključne uloge u ovim borbama, ne pružamo uzore za naredne generacije. Bez uzora, postaje teže da žene zauzmu svoje mesto u javnom životu. A kao što smo ranije videli, jedna od najbitnih varijabli u određivanju da li će pokret biti uspešan ili ne je ideologija pokreta što se tiče uloge žena u javnom životu.
This is a question of whether we're moving towards more democratic and peaceful societies. In a world where so much change is happening, and where change is bound to continue at an increasingly faster pace, it is not a question of whether we will face conflict, but rather a question of which stories will shape how we choose to wage conflict.
Ovo je pitanje toga da li se krećemo ka demokratskijim i miroljubivijim društvima. U svetu gde se dešava toliko promena i gde je neminovno da se promene nastave sve bržim tempom, nije pitanje da li ćemo se suočiti s konfliktom, već je pitanje toga koje priče će oblikovati kako biramo da vodimo konflikte.
Thank you.
Hvala vam.
(Applause)
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