Chris Anderson: So, Jon, this feels scary.
Chris Anderson: Dakle, Jon, ovo je zastrašujuće.
Jonathan Haidt: Yeah.
Jonathan Haidt: Jeste.
CA: It feels like the world is in a place that we haven't seen for a long time. People don't just disagree in the way that we're familiar with, on the left-right political divide. There are much deeper differences afoot. What on earth is going on, and how did we get here?
CA: Čini se kao da je svijet na mjestu koje već dugo nismo vidjeli. Ljudi ne samo da se ne slažu na način koji nam je poznat, na političkoj razdjelnici između lijevog i desnog. U pitanju su mnogo dublja razilaženja. Što se to uopće zbiva i kako smo dovde stigli?
JH: This is different. There's a much more apocalyptic sort of feeling. Survey research by Pew Research shows that the degree to which we feel that the other side is not just -- we don't just dislike them; we strongly dislike them, and we think that they are a threat to the nation. Those numbers have been going up and up, and those are over 50 percent now on both sides. People are scared, because it feels like this is different than before; it's much more intense.
JH: To je drugačije. Osjećaj je mnogo više apokaliptičan. Ankete Pew Research centra pokazuju da je stupanj osjećaja da druga strana nije samo -- ne samo da su nam odbojni; jako su nam odbojni, i mislimo da predstavljaju prijetnju za naciju. Ti brojevi stalno rastu i dostigli su preko 50 posto sada na obje strane. Ljudi su uplašeni jer to izgleda kao da je drugačije nego prije; mnogo je intenzivnije.
Whenever I look at any sort of social puzzle, I always apply the three basic principles of moral psychology, and I think they'll help us here. So the first thing that you have to always keep in mind when you're thinking about politics is that we're tribal. We evolved for tribalism. One of the simplest and greatest insights into human social nature is the Bedouin proverb: "Me against my brother; me and my brother against our cousin; me and my brother and cousins against the stranger." And that tribalism allowed us to create large societies and to come together in order to compete with others. That brought us out of the jungle and out of small groups, but it means that we have eternal conflict. The question you have to look at is: What aspects of our society are making that more bitter, and what are calming them down?
Kada god pogledam bilo koju vrstu društvene zagonetke uvijek primjenjujem tri osnovna principa moralne psihologije i mislim da će nam i ovdje pomoći. Prva stvar koju uvijek treba imati na umu kada razmišljate o politici je da smo mi plemenska vrsta. Evoluirali smo kao pripadnici plemena. Jedan od najjednostavnijih i najvećih uvida u ljudsku društvenu prirodu je beduinska poslovica: "Ja protiv mog brata; ja i moj brat protiv našeg bratića; ja i moj brat i bratići protiv stranca." Ta plemenska pripadnost nam je omogućila stvaranje velikih zajednica i udruživanje radi natjecanja s drugima. To nas je izvelo iz džungle i iz malih grupa, no to znači da imamo vječni sukob. Pitanje koje treba razmotriti je: Koji aspekti našeg društva doprinose ogorčenosti, a koji ga smiruju?
CA: That's a very dark proverb. You're saying that that's actually baked into most people's mental wiring at some level?
CA: To je vrlo mračna poslovica. Ti kažeš da je to zapravo ugrađeno u mentalni sklop većine ljudi na nekoj razini?
JH: Oh, absolutely. This is just a basic aspect of human social cognition. But we can also live together really peacefully, and we've invented all kinds of fun ways of, like, playing war. I mean, sports, politics -- these are all ways that we get to exercise this tribal nature without actually hurting anyone. We're also really good at trade and exploration and meeting new people. So you have to see our tribalism as something that goes up or down -- it's not like we're doomed to always be fighting each other, but we'll never have world peace.
JH: Apsolutno. To je upravo osnovni aspekt ljudske društvene spoznaje. No mi također možemo vrlo mirno živjeti zajedno i izumili smo razne vrste zabavnih načina za igranje rata. Mislim sportove, politiku -- to su sve načini na koje izražavamo tu plemensku prirodu bez da itko bude povrijeđen. Mi smo također dobri u trgovini i istraživanju i upoznavanju novih ljudi. Našu plemensku pripadnost treba promatrati kao nešto što raste ili pada -- nije da smo osuđeni da se stalno međusobno borimo, ali nikada nećemo imati svjetski mir.
CA: The size of that tribe can shrink or expand.
CA: Veličina tog plemena može se smanjivati ili povećavati.
JH: Right.
JH: Točno.
CA: The size of what we consider "us" and what we consider "other" or "them" can change. And some people believed that process could continue indefinitely.
CA: Veličina onoga što zovemo "mi" i što zovemo "drugi" ili "oni" može se mijenjati. I neki ljudi su vjerovali da taj proces može trajati beskonačno.
JH: That's right.
JH: To je istina.
CA: And we were indeed expanding the sense of tribe for a while.
CA: I mi smo stvarno širili značenje plemena neko vrijeme.
JH: So this is, I think, where we're getting at what's possibly the new left-right distinction. I mean, the left-right as we've all inherited it, comes out of the labor versus capital distinction, and the working class, and Marx. But I think what we're seeing now, increasingly, is a divide in all the Western democracies between the people who want to stop at nation, the people who are more parochial -- and I don't mean that in a bad way -- people who have much more of a sense of being rooted, they care about their town, their community and their nation. And then those who are anti-parochial and who -- whenever I get confused, I just think of the John Lennon song "Imagine." "Imagine there's no countries, nothing to kill or die for." And so these are the people who want more global governance, they don't like nation states, they don't like borders. You see this all over Europe as well. There's a great metaphor guy -- actually, his name is Shakespeare -- writing ten years ago in Britain. He had a metaphor: "Are we drawbridge-uppers or drawbridge-downers?" And Britain is divided 52-48 on that point. And America is divided on that point, too.
JH: Dakle to je, mislim, gdje dolazimo do vjerojatno nove lijevo-desne distinkcije. Mislim, lijevo-desno kako smo to svi naslijedili, proizlazi iz distinkcije između rada nasuprot kapitalu, i radničke klase i Marxa. No, mislim da ono što danas vidimo, sve više, je podjela u svim zapadnim demokracijama između ljudi koji žele stati na naciji, ljudi koji su više uskogrudni -- i to ne mislim u lošem smislu -- ljudi koji imaju puno jači osjećaj ukorijenjenosti, njima je stalo do njihovog grada, zajednice i nacije. I onda oni koji su manje skučeni i koji -- kad god sam zbunjen sjetim se pjesme Johna Lennona "Imagine" "Zamisli da nema zemalja, da se nema za što ubijati ili umrijeti." To su ljudi koji žele više globalnog upravljanja, oni ne vole nacionalne države, oni ne vole granice. To se također vidi po cijeloj Europi. Ima jedan velikan metafora -- ustvari ime mu je Shakespeare -- koji je prije deset godina pisao u Britaniji. Imao je metaforu: "Jesmo li mi dizači pokretnog mosta ili spuštači pokretnog mosta?" A Britanija je podijeljena 52-48 po tom pitanju I Amerika je također podijeljena po tom pitanju.
CA: And so, those of us who grew up with The Beatles and that sort of hippie philosophy of dreaming of a more connected world -- it felt so idealistic and "how could anyone think badly about that?" And what you're saying is that, actually, millions of people today feel that that isn't just silly; it's actually dangerous and wrong, and they're scared of it.
CA: I tako, oni od nas koji su odrastali s Beatlesima i tom vrstom hipi filozofije sanjanja o povezanijem svijetu -- to se činilo tako idealistički i "kako bi itko mogao o tome misliti loše?" A ti kažeš da ustvari milijuni ljudi danas osjećaju da to nije samo smiješno; to je ustvari opasno i krivo i oni se toga boje.
JH: I think the big issue, especially in Europe but also here, is the issue of immigration. And I think this is where we have to look very carefully at the social science about diversity and immigration. Once something becomes politicized, once it becomes something that the left loves and the right -- then even the social scientists can't think straight about it. Now, diversity is good in a lot of ways. It clearly creates more innovation. The American economy has grown enormously from it. Diversity and immigration do a lot of good things. But what the globalists, I think, don't see, what they don't want to see, is that ethnic diversity cuts social capital and trust.
JH: Ja mislim da je veliki problem, pogotovo u Europi, ali i ovdje, problem imigracije. I mislim da tu moramo vrlo pažljivo razmotriti društvenu znanost o različitosti i imigraciji. Jednom kada nešto postane ispolitizirano, kada to postane nešto što lijevi vole, a desni -- tada ni društveni znanstvenici ne mogu o tome hladno razmišljati. Različitost je dobra na mnogo načina. Ona očigledno stvara više inovacija. Američka ekonomija je enormno porasla zahvaljujući tome. Različitost i imigracija čine mnogo dobrih stvari. No, ono što globalisti, mislim, ne vide, što ne žele vidjeti, je da etnička različitost umanjuje društveni kapital i povjerenje.
There's a very important study by Robert Putnam, the author of "Bowling Alone," looking at social capital databases. And basically, the more people feel that they are the same, the more they trust each other, the more they can have a redistributionist welfare state. Scandinavian countries are so wonderful because they have this legacy of being small, homogenous countries. And that leads to a progressive welfare state, a set of progressive left-leaning values, which says, "Drawbridge down! The world is a great place. People in Syria are suffering -- we must welcome them in." And it's a beautiful thing. But if, and I was in Sweden this summer, if the discourse in Sweden is fairly politically correct and they can't talk about the downsides, you end up bringing a lot of people in. That's going to cut social capital, it makes it hard to have a welfare state and they might end up, as we have in America, with a racially divided, visibly racially divided, society. So this is all very uncomfortable to talk about. But I think this is the thing, especially in Europe and for us, too, we need to be looking at.
Ima jedna vrlo važna studija Roberta Putnama, autora knjige "Kuglati sam", koja razmatra baze podataka o društvenom kapitalu. Načelno, što se više ljudi osjećaju jednakima to više vjeruju jedan drugome, tim prije mogu imati redistributivnu socijalnu državu. Skandinavske zemlje su tako prekrasne jer su po svom nasljeđu malene, homogene zemlje. A to vodi progresivnoj socijalnoj državi, skupu progresivnih, lijevo orjentiranih vrijednosti, koji kaže, "Spuštajte pomični most! Svijet je sjajno mjesto. Ljudi u Siriji pate -- moramo ih srdačno primiti." I to je prekrasna stvar. Ali ako, a bio sam u Švedskoj ovog ljeta, ako je diskurs u Švedskoj potpuno politički korektan i oni ne mogu govoriti o negativnim stranama, završit ćete tako da dovedete mnogo ljudi. To će srezati društveni kapital, to otežava opstanak socijalne države i oni bi mogli završiti, poput nas u Americi, s rasno podijeljenim, vidljivo rasno podijeljenim, društvom. O svemu ovome vrlo je neugodno govoriti. No mislim da je to stvar, posebno u Europi i kod nas također, koju moramo razmatrati.
CA: You're saying that people of reason, people who would consider themselves not racists, but moral, upstanding people, have a rationale that says humans are just too different; that we're in danger of overloading our sense of what humans are capable of, by mixing in people who are too different.
CA: Ti kažeš da razumni ljudi, ljudi koji sebe ne smatraju rasistima, već moralnim, uglednim ljudima, imaju obrazloženje da su ljudska bića ipak suviše različita; da smo u opasnosti da precijenimo ljudske sposobnosti, miješajući ljude koji su suviše različiti.
JH: Yes, but I can make it much more palatable by saying it's not necessarily about race. It's about culture. There's wonderful work by a political scientist named Karen Stenner, who shows that when people have a sense that we are all united, we're all the same, there are many people who have a predisposition to authoritarianism. Those people aren't particularly racist when they feel as through there's not a threat to our social and moral order. But if you prime them experimentally by thinking we're coming apart, people are getting more different, then they get more racist, homophobic, they want to kick out the deviants. So it's in part that you get an authoritarian reaction. The left, following through the Lennonist line -- the John Lennon line -- does things that create an authoritarian reaction.
JH: Da, ali ovo mogu učiniti puno prihvatljivijim ako kažem da se ne radi nužno o rasi. Radi se o kulturi. Ima jedan prekrasan rad političke znanstvenice Karen Stenner, koja pokazuje da kada ljudi imaju osjećaj da smo svi ujedinjeni, svi jednaki, tada ima mnogo ljudi koji su skloni autoritarizmu. Ti ljudi nisu osobito rasisti kada osjećaju da nema prijetnje našem društvenom i moralnom poretku. No, ako ih pokusno potaknete razmišljanjem da se raspadamo, da su ljudi sve više različiti, tada postaju veći rasisti, homofobi, žele izbaciti devijantne. Tako dijelom dobivate autoritarnu reakciju. Ljevica, slijedeći Lennonovu liniju -- liniju Johna Lennona -- čini stvari koje stvaraju autoritarnu reakciju.
We're certainly seeing that in America with the alt-right. We saw it in Britain, we've seen it all over Europe. But the more positive part of that is that I think the localists, or the nationalists, are actually right -- that, if you emphasize our cultural similarity, then race doesn't actually matter very much. So an assimilationist approach to immigration removes a lot of these problems. And if you value having a generous welfare state, you've got to emphasize that we're all the same.
To nesumnjivo vidimo u Americi s alternativnom desnicom. To smo vidjeli u Britanij, vidimo to širom Europe. No, pozitivniji dio toga je da mislim da su lokalisti ili nacionalisti, ustvari u pravu -- da ako naglašavate našu kulturalnu sličnost, tada rasa ustvari nije toliko važna. Tako asimilacionistički pristup imigraciji otklanja mnogo ovih problema. A ako vam je važno imati darežljivu socijalnu državu, morate naglašavati da smo svi jednaki.
CA: OK, so rising immigration and fears about that are one of the causes of the current divide. What are other causes?
CA: OK, dakle rastuća imigracija i strahovi oko toga su jedan od uzroka sadašnje podjele. Koji su drugi uzroci?
JH: The next principle of moral psychology is that intuitions come first, strategic reasoning second. You've probably heard the term "motivated reasoning" or "confirmation bias." There's some really interesting work on how our high intelligence and our verbal abilities might have evolved not to help us find out the truth, but to help us manipulate each other, defend our reputation ... We're really, really good at justifying ourselves. And when you bring group interests into account, so it's not just me, it's my team versus your team, whereas if you're evaluating evidence that your side is wrong, we just can't accept that. So this is why you can't win a political argument. If you're debating something, you can't persuade the person with reasons and evidence, because that's not the way reasoning works. So now, give us the internet, give us Google: "I heard that Barack Obama was born in Kenya. Let me Google that -- oh my God! 10 million hits! Look, he was!"
JH: Sljedeći princip moralne psihologije je da su intuicije na prvom mjestu, strateško rasuđivanje na drugom. Vjerojatno ste čuli za izraz "motivirano rasuđivanje" ili "potvrda pristranosti". Postoje neki doista zanimljivi radovi o tome kako su naša inteligencija i naše verbalne sposobnosti možda evoluirali, ne da nam pomognu otkriti istinu, već da nam pomognu da manipuliramo jedni drugima, obranimo svoju reputaciju ... Mi smo zaista dobri u opravdavanju sebe samih. A kada uzmete u obzir interese grupe, dakle, nisam samo ja, već moj tim nasuprot tvom timu, međutim, ako procjenjujete dokaze da je vaša strana u krivu, mi to jednostavno ne možemo prihvatiti. To je razlog da ne možete dobiti političku prepirku. Ako o nečem raspravljate, ne možete osobu uvjeriti razumom i dokazima jer to nije način na koji rasuđivanje funkcionira. Uzmimo sada Internet, uzmimo Google: "Čuo sam da je Barack Obama rođen u Keniji. Hajde da pogledam u Google -- oh Bože! 10 milijuna rezultata! Vidi, istina je!"
CA: So this has come as an unpleasant surprise to a lot of people. Social media has often been framed by techno-optimists as this great connecting force that would bring people together. And there have been some unexpected counter-effects to that.
CA: Dakle, ovo je neugodno iznenađenje za mnogo ljudi. Tehno-optimisti često društvene medije opisuju kao golemu povezujuću silu koja će ujediniti ljude. No, to je imalo neke neočekivane kontra efekte.
JH: That's right. That's why I'm very enamored of yin-yang views of human nature and left-right -- that each side is right about certain things, but then it goes blind to other things. And so the left generally believes that human nature is good: bring people together, knock down the walls and all will be well. The right -- social conservatives, not libertarians -- social conservatives generally believe people can be greedy and sexual and selfish, and we need regulation, and we need restrictions. So, yeah, if you knock down all the walls, allow people to communicate all over the world, you get a lot of porn and a lot of racism.
JH: To je točno. Zato sam ja očaran yin-yang pogledima na ljudsku prirodu i lijevo-desno -- da je svaka strana u pravu o određenim stvarima, a slijepa je za druge stvari. Ljevica općenito vjeruje da je ljudska priroda dobra: ujedinimo ljude, srušimo zidove i svima će nam biti dobro. Desnica -- socijalni konzervativci, ne libertarijanci -- socijalni konzervativci općenito vjeruju da ljudi mogu biti pohlepni i seksualni i sebični, i trebamo regulaciju, i trebamo restrikcije. Zato, da, ako srušite sve zidove, dozvolite ljudima da komuniciraju širom svijeta, dobivate puno pornografije i puno rasizma.
CA: So help us understand. These principles of human nature have been with us forever. What's changed that's deepened this feeling of division?
CA: Pomozi nam onda da razumijemo. Ovi principi ljudske prirode oduvijek su s nama. Što se to promijenilo što je produbilo taj osjećaj podijeljenosti?
JH: You have to see six to ten different threads all coming together. I'll just list a couple of them. So in America, one of the big -- actually, America and Europe -- one of the biggest ones is World War II. There's interesting research from Joe Henrich and others that says if your country was at war, especially when you were young, then we test you 30 years later in a commons dilemma or a prisoner's dilemma, you're more cooperative. Because of our tribal nature, if you're -- my parents were teenagers during World War II, and they would go out looking for scraps of aluminum to help the war effort. I mean, everybody pulled together. And so then these people go on, they rise up through business and government, they take leadership positions. They're really good at compromise and cooperation. They all retire by the '90s. So we're left with baby boomers by the end of the '90s. And their youth was spent fighting each other within each country, in 1968 and afterwards. The loss of the World War II generation, "The Greatest Generation," is huge. So that's one.
JH: Morate vidjeti šest do deset različitih niti koje se sve spajaju. Nabrojat ću tek nekoliko njih. Dakle, u Americi, jedna od velikih -- ustvari, Americi i Europi -- jedna od najvećih je Drugi svjetski rat. Postoji zanimljivo istraživanje Joea Henricha i drugih koje kaže da ako je vaša zemlja bila u ratu, naročito ako ste tada bili mladi, i testiramo vas 30 godina poslije o dilemi općeg doba ili zatvorenikovoj dilemi, bit ćete kooperativniji. Zbog naše plemenske prirode, ako ste -- moji roditelji su bili tinejdžeri u vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata, i naokolo bi skupljali ostatke aluminija pridonoseći ratnim naporima. Mislim, svi su se međusobno pomagali. I onda ti ljudi idu dalje, uzdižu se kroz poslovni svijet i vladu zauzimaju vodeće pozicije. Oni su zaista dobri u postizanju kompromisa i suradnji. Svi su oni otišli u mirovinu do kraja 90-ih. Tako smo ostali s baby boomerima krajem 90-ih. A njihova mladost je prošla u međusobnim sukobima unutar vlastitih zemalja. 1968. i kasnije. Gubitak generacije 2. svjetskog rata, "Najveće generacije", ogroman je. To je jedna nit.
Another, in America, is the purification of the two parties. There used to be liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats. So America had a mid-20th century that was really bipartisan. But because of a variety of factors that started things moving, by the 90's, we had a purified liberal party and conservative party. So now, the people in either party really are different, and we really don't want our children to marry them, which, in the '60s, didn't matter very much. So, the purification of the parties. Third is the internet and, as I said, it's just the most amazing stimulant for post-hoc reasoning and demonization.
Druga nit je purifikacija dviju stranaka u Americi Nekada je bilo liberalnih Republikanaca i konzervativnih Demokrata. Tako je sredinom 20. stoljeća Amerika imala pravo dvostranačje. No, zbog raznih faktora koji su počeli pokretati stvari, do 90-ih imali smo očišćenu liberalnu stranku i konzervativnu stranku. Tako su sada ljudi u svakoj stranci stvarno drugačiji, i mi stvarno ne želimo da se naša djeca s njima žene, što u 60-ima nije bilo jako važno. Dakle, purifikacija stranaka. Treća nit je Internet i, kao što sam rekao, to je najnevjerojatniji stimulans za post-hoc rasuđivanje i demonizaciju.
CA: The tone of what's happening on the internet now is quite troubling. I just did a quick search on Twitter about the election and saw two tweets next to each other. One, against a picture of racist graffiti: "This is disgusting! Ugliness in this country, brought to us by #Trump." And then the next one is: "Crooked Hillary dedication page. Disgusting!" So this idea of "disgust" is troubling to me. Because you can have an argument or a disagreement about something, you can get angry at someone. Disgust, I've heard you say, takes things to a much deeper level.
CA: Prizvuk onoga što se sada događa na Internetu prilično je zabrinjavajući. Upravo sam napravio brzu pretragu na Twitteru o izborima i vidio dva tweeta jedan do drugog. Jedan, ispod slike rasističkog grafita: "To je odvratno! Rugoba u ovoj zemlji koju nam je donio #Trump." A sljedeći je: "Posveta pokvarenoj Hillary. Odvratno!" Mene muči ova ideja "odvratnosti". Jer možete imati prepirku ili neslaganje o nečemu, možete se na nekoga naljutiti. Odvratnost, kako sam vas čuo, vodi stvari na puno dublju razinu.
JH: That's right. Disgust is different. Anger -- you know, I have kids. They fight 10 times a day, and they love each other 30 times a day. You just go back and forth: you get angry, you're not angry; you're angry, you're not angry. But disgust is different. Disgust paints the person as subhuman, monstrous, deformed, morally deformed. Disgust is like indelible ink. There's research from John Gottman on marital therapy. If you look at the faces -- if one of the couple shows disgust or contempt, that's a predictor that they're going to get divorced soon, whereas if they show anger, that doesn't predict anything, because if you deal with anger well, it actually is good.
JH: To je točno. Odvratnost je drukčija. Ljutnja -- znate, ja imam djecu. Oni se potuku 10 puta dnevno, a vole jedno drugo 30 puta dnevno. Samo idete simo tamo: naljutite se, odljutite se; naljutite se, odljutite se. Ali odvratnost je drukčija. Odvratnost oslikava osobu kao nižu vrstu, čudovišnu, deformiranu, moralno deformiranu. Odvratnost je kao neizbrisiva tinta. Postoji istraživanje Johna Gottmana o bračnoj terapiji. Ako pogledate lica -- ako jedan član para pokazuje odvratnost ili prezir, to je prediktor da će se uskoro rastati, dok ako pokazuju ljutnju, to ne predskazuje ništa, jer ako dobro postupate s ljutnjom ona je ustvari dobra.
So this election is different. Donald Trump personally uses the word "disgust" a lot. He's very germ-sensitive, so disgust does matter a lot -- more for him, that's something unique to him -- but as we demonize each other more, and again, through the Manichaean worldview, the idea that the world is a battle between good and evil as this has been ramping up, we're more likely not just to say they're wrong or I don't like them, but we say they're evil, they're satanic, they're disgusting, they're revolting. And then we want nothing to do with them. And that's why I think we're seeing it, for example, on campus now. We're seeing more the urge to keep people off campus, silence them, keep them away. I'm afraid that this whole generation of young people, if their introduction to politics involves a lot of disgust, they're not going to want to be involved in politics as they get older.
Ovi izbori su drugačiji. Donald Trump osobno puno koristi riječ "odvratnost". On je vrlo osjetljiv na bacile pa je odvratnost jako važna -- više za njega, to je nešto specifično za njega -- no dok sve više demoniziramo jedni druge, i ponovo, po svjetonazoru maniheizma, ideja da je svijet borba između dobra i zla dok ovo sve više bjesni, vjerojatnije je da nećemo samo reći oni su u krivu ili ne sviđaju mi se, već kažemo da su zli, sotonski, oni su odvratni, oni su gnusni. A onda ne želimo ništa imati s njima. I zato to danas vidimo, na primjer, u kampusu. Vidimo sve veći poriv da se ljudi drže dalje od kampusa, da se ušutkaju, da ih se drži podalje. Bojim se da cijela ova generacija mladih ljudi, ako njihovo uvođenje u politiku uključuje mnogo odvratnosti, oni se neće željeti uključivati u politiku kada odrastu.
CA: So how do we deal with that? Disgust. How do you defuse disgust?
CA: Pa kako da se nosimo s tim? Odvratnost. Kako ublažiti odvratnost?
JH: You can't do it with reasons. I think ... I studied disgust for many years, and I think about emotions a lot. And I think that the opposite of disgust is actually love. Love is all about, like ... Disgust is closing off, borders. Love is about dissolving walls. So personal relationships, I think, are probably the most powerful means we have. You can be disgusted by a group of people, but then you meet a particular person and you genuinely discover that they're lovely. And then gradually that chips away or changes your category as well. The tragedy is, Americans used to be much more mixed up in the their towns by left-right or politics. And now that it's become this great moral divide, there's a lot of evidence that we're moving to be near people who are like us politically. It's harder to find somebody who's on the other side. So they're over there, they're far away. It's harder to get to know them.
JH: To ne možete argumentima. Mislim ... Mnogo godina sam proučavao odvratnost, i mnogo razmišljam o emocijama. I ja mislim da je suprotnost odvratnosti ustvari ljubav. U ljubavi se radi o, poput ... Odvratnost je zatvaranje, granica. Ljubav je rastvaranje zidova. Zato su osobni odnosi, mislim, vjerojatno najsnažnije oružje koje imamo. Može vam biti odvratna grupa ljudi, a onda upoznate pojedinu osobu i istinski otkrijete da su dragi. I onda to postepeno nagriza ili mijenja i vašu kategoriju. Tragedija je da su Amerikanci bili mnogo više izmješani u gradovima po lijevo- desnom usmjerenju ili politici. A sada kako je to postala velika moralna razdjelnica, ima puno dokaza da se premještamo bliže ljudima koji su politički slični nama. Teže je pronaći nekoga tko je na drugoj strani. Oni su tamo preko, oni su daleko. Teže ih je upoznati.
CA: What would you say to someone or say to Americans, people generally, about what we should understand about each other that might help us rethink for a minute this "disgust" instinct?
CA: Što biste rekli nekome, recimo Amerikancima, ljudima općenito, o tome što bismo trebali razumjeti jedni o drugima što bi nam pomoglo da promislimo minutu o tom instinktu "odvratnosti"?
JH: Yes. A really important thing to keep in mind -- there's research by political scientist Alan Abramowitz, showing that American democracy is increasingly governed by what's called "negative partisanship." That means you think, OK there's a candidate, you like the candidate, you vote for the candidate. But with the rise of negative advertising and social media and all sorts of other trends, increasingly, the way elections are done is that each side tries to make the other side so horrible, so awful, that you'll vote for my guy by default.
JH: Da. Uistinu važna stvar koju treba imati na umu -- postoji istraživanje političkog znanstvenika Alana Abramowitza koje pokazuje da američkom demokracijom sve više upravlja nešto što se naziva "negativno poborništvo". To znači, vi mislite, u redu, postoji kandidat, sviđa vam se kandidat, glasate za kandidata. No, s porastom negativnog oglašavanja i društvenih medija i svih vrsta drugih trendova, sve više način na koji se provode izbori je takav da svaka strana pokušava drugu stranu učiniti tako užasnom, tako groznom da ćete glasati za mog momka po defaultu.
And so as we more and more vote against the other side and not for our side, you have to keep in mind that if people are on the left, they think, "Well, I used to think that Republicans were bad, but now Donald Trump proves it. And now every Republican, I can paint with all the things that I think about Trump." And that's not necessarily true. They're generally not very happy with their candidate.
I tako, dok mi sve više i više glasamo protiv druge strane, a ne za našu stranu, morate imati na umu da, ako su ljudi na ljevici, oni misle, "Prije sam mislio da su republikanci loši, a sada to Donald Trump dokazuje. I sada svakog republikanca mogu obojati svim stvarima koje mislim o Trumpu." A to nije nužno istina. Oni općenito nisu jako zadovoljni svojim kandidatom.
This is the most negative partisanship election in American history. So you have to first separate your feelings about the candidate from your feelings about the people who are given a choice. And then you have to realize that, because we all live in a separate moral world -- the metaphor I use in the book is that we're all trapped in "The Matrix," or each moral community is a matrix, a consensual hallucination. And so if you're within the blue matrix, everything's completely compelling that the other side -- they're troglodytes, they're racists, they're the worst people in the world, and you have all the facts to back that up. But somebody in the next house from yours is living in a different moral matrix. They live in a different video game, and they see a completely different set of facts. And each one sees different threats to the country. And what I've found from being in the middle and trying to understand both sides is: both sides are right. There are a lot of threats to this country, and each side is constitutionally incapable of seeing them all.
To su najnegativniji pobornički izbori u američkoj povijesti. Dakle, prvo morate odvojiti svoje osjećaje o kandidatu od svojih osjećaja o ljudima kojima je dan izbor. I onda morate shvatiti da, budući da svi mi živimo u odvojenom moralnom svijetu -- u knjizi koristim metaforu da smo svi zarobljeni u "Matrici", ili da je svaka moralna zajednica matrica, konsenzualna halucinacija. Pa tako, ako ste vi u plavoj matrici, sve vas neodoljivo navodi da je druga strana -- oni su trogloditi, oni su rasisti, oni su najgori ljudi na svijetu, a vi imate sve činjenice koje to podupiru. No, netko u kući do vaše živi u drugačijoj moralnoj matrici. Oni žive u drugačijoj video igri, i vide potpuno drugačiji skup činjenica. I svatko vidi drugačije prijetnje po zemlju. A ono što sam ja ustanovio, kao osoba u sredini koja pokušava razumijeti obje strane, jest: obje strane su u pravu. Mnogo je prijetnji ovoj zemlji, a svaka je strana konstitucionalno nesposobna vidjeti sve njih.
CA: So, are you saying that we almost need a new type of empathy? Empathy is traditionally framed as: "Oh, I feel your pain. I can put myself in your shoes." And we apply it to the poor, the needy, the suffering. We don't usually apply it to people who we feel as other, or we're disgusted by.
CA: Želite li reći da gotovo pa trebamo novu vrstu empatije? Empatija se tradicionalno opisuje kao: "Oh, osjećam tvoju bol. Mogu se staviti u tvoju kožu." I to primjenjujemo na siromašne, potrebite, one koji pate. Obično to ne primjenjujemo na ljude koje osjećamo kao druge ili koji su nam odvratni.
JH: No. That's right.
JH: Ne. To je točno.
CA: What would it look like to build that type of empathy?
CA: Kako bi to izgledalo da izgradimo tu vrstu empatije?
JH: Actually, I think ... Empathy is a very, very hot topic in psychology, and it's a very popular word on the left in particular. Empathy is a good thing, and empathy for the preferred classes of victims. So it's important to empathize with the groups that we on the left think are so important. That's easy to do, because you get points for that.
JH: Ustvari, mislim ... Empatija je vrlo, vrlo aktualna tema u psihologiji, i ta je riječ vrlo popularna, naročito na ljevici. Empatija je dobra stvar i empatija za preferencijalne klase žrtava. Dakle, važno je osjećati empatiju za grupe koje mi na ljevici smatramo tako važnima. To je lako jer za to dobivate bodove.
But empathy really should get you points if you do it when it's hard to do. And, I think ... You know, we had a long 50-year period of dealing with our race problems and legal discrimination, and that was our top priority for a long time and it still is important. But I think this year, I'm hoping it will make people see that we have an existential threat on our hands. Our left-right divide, I believe, is by far the most important divide we face. We still have issues about race and gender and LGBT, but this is the urgent need of the next 50 years, and things aren't going to get better on their own. So we're going to need to do a lot of institutional reforms, and we could talk about that, but that's like a whole long, wonky conversation. But I think it starts with people realizing that this is a turning point. And yes, we need a new kind of empathy. We need to realize: this is what our country needs, and this is what you need if you don't want to -- Raise your hand if you want to spend the next four years as angry and worried as you've been for the last year -- raise your hand. So if you want to escape from this, read Buddha, read Jesus, read Marcus Aurelius. They have all kinds of great advice for how to drop the fear, reframe things, stop seeing other people as your enemy. There's a lot of guidance in ancient wisdom for this kind of empathy.
No empatija bi vam zapravo trebala donositi bodove ako je osjećate kada ju je teško osjećati. I ja mislim ... Znate, mi smo imali dugo 50-godišnje razdoblje suočavanja s rasnim problemima i pravnom diskriminacijom i to je bio naš vrhunski prioritet dugo vremena i još uvijek je važan. No, mislim da ove godine, nadam se da će ovo ljude primorati da uvide da imamo egistencijalnu prijetnju na vratu. Vjerujem da je naša lijevo-desna podjela daleko najvažnija podjela s kojom se suočavamo. Još uvijek imamo probleme u vezi rase, spola i LGBT, no ovo je hitna nužda zadnjih 50 godina, i stvari se neće popraviti same od sebe. Zato ćemo morati provesti mnogo ustavnih reformi i o tome možemo govoriti, no to je cijeli jedan dugačak i zapetljan razgovor. No, ja mislim da to započinje kada ljudi shvate da je ovo prekretnica. I da, treba nam nova vrsta empatije. Mi moramo shvatiti: to je ono što naša zemlja treba i to je ono što vi trebate ako ne želite -- Podignite ruku ako želite sljedeće četiri godine provesti ovako ljuti i zabrinuti kao što ste bili prošle godine -- dignite ruku. Pa, ako želite od toga pobjeći, čitajte Budu, čitajte Isusa, čitajte Marka Aurelija. Oni imaju gomilu raznih savjeta kako odagnati strah, preustrojiti stvari, prestati druge ljude gledati kao svoje neprijatelje. U drevnoj mudrosti ima mnogo smjernica za ovu vrstu empatije.
CA: Here's my last question: Personally, what can people do to help heal?
CA: Evo mog zadnjeg pitanja: Osobno, što ljudi mogu učiniti da pomognu ozdravljenju?
JH: Yeah, it's very hard to just decide to overcome your deepest prejudices. And there's research showing that political prejudices are deeper and stronger than race prejudices in the country now. So I think you have to make an effort -- that's the main thing. Make an effort to actually meet somebody. Everybody has a cousin, a brother-in-law, somebody who's on the other side. So, after this election -- wait a week or two, because it's probably going to feel awful for one of you -- but wait a couple weeks, and then reach out and say you want to talk. And before you do it, read Dale Carnegie, "How to Win Friends and Influence People" --
JH: Vrlo je teško jednostavno odlučiti prevladati najdublje predrasude. A postoji i istraživanje koje pokazuje da su političke predrasude dublje i jače od rasnih predrasuda danas u našoj zemlji. Zato mislim da se morate potruditi -- to je glavna stvar. Potrudite se da stvarno nekoga upoznate. Svatko ima bratića, šogora, nekoga tko je na drugoj strani. Pa, nakon ovih izbora -- pričekajte tjedan ili dva, jer će to vjerojatno teško pasti jednom od vas -- no pričekajte par tjedana i onda pružite ruku i kažite da želite razgovarati. Ali prije no što to učinite, pročitajte Dalea Carnegia
(Laughter)
"Kako steći prijatelje i utjecati na ljude" --
(Smijeh)
I'm totally serious. You'll learn techniques if you start by acknowledging, if you start by saying, "You know, we don't agree on a lot, but one thing I really respect about you, Uncle Bob," or "... about you conservatives, is ... " And you can find something. If you start with some appreciation, it's like magic. This is one of the main things I've learned that I take into my human relationships. I still make lots of stupid mistakes, but I'm incredibly good at apologizing now, and at acknowledging what somebody was right about. And if you do that, then the conversation goes really well, and it's actually really fun.
Potpuno sam ozbiljan. Naučit ćete metode ako započnete prihvaćanjem, ako započnete govoreći, "Znaš, mi se u mnogo toga ne slažemo, ali jednu stvar zbilja poštujem kod tebe, ujače Bob," ili "... u vezi vas konzervativaca ..." I možete pronaći nešto. Ako započnete s malo uvažavanja, to je kao čarolija. To je jedna od glavnih stvari koje sam naučio unijeti u svoje međuljudske odnose. Još uvijek radim mnogo glupih grešaka ali sam sada njevjerojatno dobar u ispričavanju i u priznavanju da je netko bio u pravu. I ako to učinite, onda razgovor teče zbilja dobro i ustvari je zabavan.
CA: Jon, it's absolutely fascinating speaking with you. It really does feel like the ground that we're on is a ground populated by deep questions of morality and human nature. Your wisdom couldn't be more relevant. Thank you so much for sharing this time with us.
CA: Jon, zaista je fascinantno pričati s tobom. Stvarno se čini da teren na kojem se nalazimo je teren napučen dubokim pitanjima morala i ljudske prirode. Tvoja mudrost ne može biti relevantnija. Puno ti hvala za ovo vrijeme koje si podijelio s nama.
JH: Thanks, Chris.
JH: Hvala, Chris.
JH: Thanks, everyone.
JH: Hvala svima.
(Applause)
(Pljesak)