So I'm here to talk to you about the walkable city. What is the walkable city? Well, for want of a better definition, it's a city in which the car is an optional instrument of freedom, rather than a prosthetic device. And I'd like to talk about why we need the walkable city, and I'd like to talk about how to do the walkable city.
我想在这里讲一下可步行的城市。 什么是可步行城市? 一个更好的解释是, 对于这个城市而言, 车是一个选择性的代步工具, 而不是一个必不可少的辅助设备。 我想要探讨一下为什么 我们需要一个可步行城市, 然后我想讲一下如何 去实现一个可步行城市。
Most of the talks I give these days are about why we need it, but you guys are smart. And also I gave that talk exactly a month ago, and you can see it at TED.com. So today I want to talk about how to do it. In a lot of time thinking about this, I've come up with what I call the general theory of walkability. A bit of a pretentious term, it's a little tongue-in-cheek, but it's something I've thought about for a long time, and I'd like to share what I think I've figured out.
最近我的大部分演讲 都是关于为什么我们需要它, 但是你们都很聪明 (一定能猜到答案)。 并且我在一个月前 做过一次类似的演讲, 你们可以在TED.COM上观看。 那么今天我想讲讲如何实现它。 在很长一段时间的冥思苦想之后, 我总结出了一套“可步行性的基本理论”。 这是个稍有点狂妄的术语, 还有点开玩笑的意味。 但这是个我想了很久的理论, 我很想跟大家分享下我的心得。
In the American city, the typical American city -- the typical American city is not Washington, DC, or New York, or San Francisco; it's Grand Rapids or Cedar Rapids or Memphis -- in the typical American city in which most people own cars and the temptation is to drive them all the time, if you're going to get them to walk, then you have to offer a walk that's as good as a drive or better. What does that mean? It means you need to offer four things simultaneously: there needs to be a proper reason to walk, the walk has to be safe and feel safe, the walk has to be comfortable and the walk has to be interesting. You need to do all four of these things simultaneously, and that's the structure of my talk today, to take you through each of those.
在典型的美国城市—— 不是指华盛顿特区, 亦不是纽约或旧金山; 而是大急流城(密歇根州),锡达拉皮兹市 (爱荷华州),或孟菲斯市(田纳西州)。 在典型的美国城市中,大部分人拥有车, 并且倾向于凡事都开车, 如果你想要让他们步行, 那你需要让步行体验 和驾驶一样好,或更好。 这意味着什么? 这意味着你需要同时满足4件事: 一个合适的理由去步行, 本身要安全,也让人有安全感, 要是舒适的, 还要让人乐在其中。 你需要同时做到这四点, 这就是我今天演讲的概要, 我会逐一介绍。
The reason to walk is a story I learned from my mentors, Andrés Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, the founders of the New Urbanism movement. And I should say half the slides and half of my talk today I learned from them. It's the story of planning, the story of the formation of the planning profession. When in the 19th century people were choking from the soot of the dark, satanic mills, the planners said, hey, let's move the housing away from the mills. And lifespans increased immediately, dramatically, and we like to say the planners have been trying to repeat that experience ever since.
步行的原因来自我从 我的导师那里听来的故事, Andres Duany 和 Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, 新城市化运动的创始人。 我应该说今天一半的演示稿, 一半的演讲 也是从他们那学来的。 这是一个关于规划的故事, 关于规划专业诞生的故事。 在19世纪,人们在如地狱般 黑暗的磨坊的煤烟中苟延残喘, 于是规划者们说:嘿, 我们把居住区搬离磨坊吧。 居民的平均寿命瞬间激增, 我们通常会说, 规划者们一直试图重复当初的经验。
So there's the onset of what we call Euclidean zoning, the separation of the landscape into large areas of single use. And typically when I arrive in a city to do a plan, a plan like this already awaits me on the property that I'm looking at. And all a plan like this guarantees is that you will not have a walkable city, because nothing is located near anything else. The alternative, of course, is our most walkable city, and I like to say, you know, this is a Rothko, and this is a Seurat. It's just a different way -- he was the pointilist -- it's a different way of making places. And even this map of Manhattan is a bit misleading because the red color is uses that are mixed vertically.
于是就出现了我们称为 欧几里得的分区, 大面积独立使用的分离地标景观。 通常当我到达一个城市 去做规划的时候, 这样的规划往往已经在那里等着我了。 所有的规划都千篇一律, 就使得你无法拥有一个可步行的城市, 因为没有任何一个地点是彼此相邻的。 相反的,当然就是最适宜步行的城市, 我想说, 这是一个罗斯科 (抽象表现主义风格), 这是一个秀拉(点彩风格)。 只是方式不同—— 秀拉是一个点彩画派的艺术家—— 使用了不同的打造用地的方式。 即使是这张曼哈顿的地图, 也有一点误导性, 因为红色代表着纵向混合用地。
So this is the big story of the New Urbanists -- to acknowledge that there are only two ways that have been tested by the thousands to build communities, in the world and throughout history. One is the traditional neighborhood. You see here several neighborhoods of Newburyport, Massachusetts, which is defined as being compact and being diverse -- places to live, work, shop, recreate, get educated -- all within walking distance. And it's defined as being walkable. There are lots of small streets. Each one is comfortable to walk on. And we contrast that to the other way, an invention that happened after the Second World War, suburban sprawl, clearly not compact, clearly not diverse, and it's not walkable, because so few of the streets connect, that those streets that do connect become overburdened, and you wouldn't let your kid out on them. And I want to thank Alex Maclean, the aerial photographer, for many of these beautiful pictures that I'm showing you today.
那么这是一个关于新城市化的故事—— 去确认新城市化只有两种方式, 已经在世界历史上 被无数人尝试了很多次。 第一是传统的街区, 这里是马萨诸塞州 纽伯里波特的几个街区, 这里被认定为紧凑和多样的地方—— 人们在这生活,工作,购物, 娱乐,接受教育—— 都是在步行的距离内。 这里被认定为可步行的。 这里有很多的小街道, 每一个都让散步者感到舒适。 我们将其与另一种方式进行对比, 一个在二战后产生的创意, 郊区扩张, 明显的不紧凑,明显的不多样, 并且不适宜步行, 因为只有几条街区相互连接, 相连的街区变得负担过重, 并且你不会让你的孩子 在这样的街区玩耍。 我想要感谢空中摄影师 艾利克斯.麦克林, 提供了今天我呈现给你们的 这么多美丽的照片。
So it's fun to break sprawl down into its constituent parts. It's so easy to understand, the places where you only live, the places where you only work, the places where you only shop, and our super-sized public institutions. Schools get bigger and bigger, and therefore, further and further from each other. And the ratio of the size of the parking lot to the size of the school tells you all you need to know, which is that no child has ever walked to this school, no child will ever walk to this school. The seniors and juniors are driving the freshmen and the sophomores, and of course we have the crash statistics to prove it.
其实将大片区域分解成多个部分很有趣。 这很好理解, 你只用来生活的地方, 只用来工作的地方, 只用来购物的地方, 和我们的大型公共机构。 学校越来越大, 所以,彼此距离就越来越远。 还有停车场的大小 和学校面积的比率 会让你一目了然, 那就是没有孩子是步行去学校的, 没有孩子将会走着去学校。 高年级学生开着车 带着低年级的学生, 当然我们有事故统计能证明这一点。
And then the super-sizing of our other civic institutions like playing fields -- it's wonderful that Westin in the Ft. Lauderdale area has eight soccer fields and eight baseball diamonds and 20 tennis courts, but look at the road that takes you to that location, and would you let your child bike on it? And this is why we have the soccer mom now. When I was young, I had one soccer field, one baseball diamond and one tennis court, but I could walk to it, because it was in my neighborhood.
然后是我们另外的巨型民众机构, 比如运动场所—— 很赞的是劳德代尔堡的 威斯汀(佛罗里达州) 有八个足球场,八个棒球场 和20个网球馆, 但是看看带你到达这些地点的路, 你会让你的孩子骑自行车去吗? 这就是为什么现在我们有足球妈妈。 在我小的时候,附近有一个足球场, 一个棒球场和一个网球场, 但是我可以走着去,因为它们就在附近。
Then the final part of sprawl that everyone forgot to count: if you're going to separate everything from everything else and reconnect it only with automotive infrastructure, then this is what your landscape begins to look like. The main message here is: if you want to have a walkable city, you can't start with the sprawl model. you need the bones of an urban model. This is the outcome of that form of design, as is this. And this is something that a lot of Americans want. But we have to understand it's a two-part American dream. If you're dreaming for this, you're also going to be dreaming of this, often to absurd extremes, when we build our landscape to accommodate cars first. And the experience of being in these places --
扩张的最后一部分, 所有人都忘记考虑了: 如果你将所有的场地彼此分离, 然后仅仅通过交通工具彼此连接, 那么你的景观就开始变成这样。 所以我在这里主要想传达的信息是: 如果你想拥有一个可步行的城市, 你不能以扩长的模式开始。 你需要一个城市模式的骨架。 这是这种设计构架的产物, 还有这个。 这正是大多美国人向往的。 但是我们要知道这是两部分的美国梦。 如果你的梦想是这样, 同时你也得想象这样的场景, 通常比较滑稽的极端情况会发生在 我们的景观设计优先 考虑交通状况的时候。 在这种环境中的体验——
(笑声)
(Laughter)
这照片没有PS过。
This is not Photoshopped. Walter Kulash took this slide. It's in Panama City. This is a real place. And being a driver can be a bit of a nuisance, and being a pedestrian can be a bit of a nuisance in these places. This is a slide that epidemiologists have been showing for some time now,
沃特·库拉斯(交通工程师) 做了这张换灯片。 这是在巴拿马城。 这是一个真实的地方。 在这些地方,作为司机会有些懊恼, 而作为行人也是 不胜其烦。 这是流行病学家 展示过一段时间的幻灯片,
(Laughter)
(笑声)
The fact that we have a society where you drive to the parking lot to take the escalator to the treadmill shows that we're doing something wrong. But we know how to do it better.
事实上,我们有这样一个社会, 你开着车去停车场, 搭着扶梯去跑步机上锻炼, 这表明我们的做法不太对。 但是我们知道如何做得更好。
Here are the two models contrasted. I show this slide, which has been a formative document of the New Urbanism now for almost 30 years, to show that sprawl and the traditional neighborhood contain the same things. It's just how big are they, how close are they to each other, how are they interspersed together and do you have a street network, rather than a cul-de-sac or a collector system of streets?
这里有两个对比的模式。 我展示的这张幻灯片 已经成为现在新城市化的成型文档 有将近30年了, 它为我们展现了扩张后的和 传统的街区包含同样的东西。 那就是它们的面积有多大, 彼此间的距离有多远, 如何交错在一起, 呈现的是一个网状的街道 还是死胡同, 还是一组街道系统?
So when we look at a downtown area, at a place that has a hope of being walkable, and mostly that's our downtowns in America's cities and towns and villages, we look at them and say we want the proper balance of uses. So what is missing or underrepresented? And again, in the typical American cities in which most Americans live, it is housing that is lacking. The jobs-to-housing balance is off. And you find that when you bring housing back, these other things start to come back too, and housing is usually first among those things. And, of course, the thing that shows up last and eventually is the schools, because the people have to move in, the young pioneers have to move in, get older, have kids and fight, and then the schools get pretty good eventually.
那么当我们观察市中心的时候, 在某处仍存在着步行的可能性, 通常就是我们美国城市, 城镇和村庄的繁华地带, 我们看到后就想要实现合理的使用。 那么什么东西缺失了,或不具代表性呢? 在美国人生活的典型美国城市, 出现短缺的是住房。 就业和住房比例不均衡。 然后你发现当你把住房带回来的时候, 这些其他的事物也会跟着回来, 住房往往是这些事情中首要的。 当然,最终出现的 是学校, 因为人们需要搬进来, 年轻的开拓者们需要搬入, 成长,有自己的孩子, 然后奋斗,学校最终会变得很不错。
The other part of this part, the useful city part, is transit, and you can have a perfectly walkable neighborhood without it. But perfectly walkable cities require transit, because if you don't have access to the whole city as a pedestrian, then you get a car, and if you get a car, the city begins to reshape itself around your needs, and the streets get wider and the parking lots get bigger and you no longer have a walkable city. So transit is essential. But every transit experience, every transit trip, begins or ends as a walk, and so we have to remember to build walkability around our transit stations.
这方面的另一个部分, 有用的城市部分, 是运输, 即便没有它你也可以拥有 一个完美的可步行街区。 但是完美的可步行街区要求运输, 因为你不能通过步行踏遍整个城市, 你就要有车, 如果你有了一辆车, 城市就开始重新格局去满足你的需要, 街道开始变宽,接着停车场变大, 最后你就不再拥有 一个可步行的城市了。 所以运输是必不可少的。 但是每一次通行的经历, 每一次运送的旅行, 都开始或终于步行, 那么我们需要记得围绕 运输枢纽打造可步行性。
Next category, the biggest one, is the safe walk. It's what most walkability experts talk about. It is essential, but alone not enough to get people to walk. And there are so many moving parts that add up to a walkable city.
下一个要点,也是最重要的, 是安全的步行。 这是可步行性专家谈论最多的。 安全是必不可少的,但是只有 安全是不足以激励人们去步行的。 可步行城市还包含很多移动部分。
The first is block size. This is Portland, Oregon, famously 200-foot blocks, famously walkable. This is Salt Lake City, famously 600-foot blocks, famously unwalkable. If you look at the two, it's almost like two different planets, but these places were both built by humans and in fact, the story is that when you have a 200-foot block city, you can have a two-lane city, or a two-to-four lane city, and a 600-foot block city is a six-lane city, and that's a problem. These are the crash statistics. When you double the block size -- this was a study of 24 California cities -- when you double the block size, you almost quadruple the number of fatal accidents on non-highway streets.
第一部分是街区的宽窄。 这是波特兰,俄勒冈州, 著名的60米街道,出名的可步行, 这是盐湖城, 著名的180米街区, 出名的不可步行。 如果你看这两个地方, 像在两个不一样的星球, 但是这些地方都是人造的, 然而事实上, 当你拥有60米宽的街区城市, 你就可以有双车道城市, 或者一个双车或四车道城市, 同时一个有180米宽街道的城市, 可以是六车道的,那这就有问题了。 这里有事故统计。 当你将街道拓宽一倍—— 这是一个关于24个 加利福尼亚城市的研究—— 当你将街道拓宽两倍, 你在非高速路上几乎增加了三倍的 死亡事故数量。
So how many lanes do we have? This is where I'm going to tell you what I tell every audience I meet, which is to remind you about induced demand. Induced demand applies both to highways and to city streets. And induced demand tells us that when we widen the streets to accept the congestion that we're anticipating, or the additional trips that we're anticipating in congested systems, it is principally that congestion that is constraining demand, and so that the widening comes, and there are all of these latent trips that are ready to happen. People move further from work and make other choices about when they commute, and those lanes fill up very quickly with traffic, so we widen the street again, and they fill up again. And we've learned that in congested systems, we cannot satisfy the automobile.
那么我们现在有多少车道? 正如同我讲给每一位听众那样, 我还要同样 提醒你们“诱导需求”这个概念。 诱导需求适用于高速和城市街道。 同时诱导需求告诉我们 要在什么时候拓宽街道 去接受我们所预期的堵塞, 或者需要多绕行的路, 原则上说,在拥堵的系统中, 拥堵限制着需求, 所以我们需要拓宽道路, 很多潜在的线路开始浮现了。 人们从工作的地点搬得更远, 并且在通勤的时候做出其他的选择, 同时这些车道很快就会开始拥堵, 我们再次拓宽街道,然而很快又堵塞了。 我们已经意识到,在堵塞的系统里, 我们无法保证机动车行驶通畅。
This is from Newsweek Magazine -- hardly an esoteric publication: "Today's engineers acknowledge that building new roads usually makes traffic worse." My response to reading this was, may I please meet some of these engineers, because these are not the ones that I -- there are great exceptions that I'm working with now -- but these are not the engineers one typically meets working in a city, where they say, "Oh, that road is too crowded, we need to add a lane." So you add a lane, and the traffic comes, and they say, "See, I told you we needed that lane." This applies both to highways and to city streets if they're congested.
著名的《新闻周刊》杂志 有这么一段文字: “现今的工程师承认 建设新公路往往会加剧交通堵塞。” 我读它时的反应是, 请让我见一见这些工程师, 因为这些不是我日常共事过的—— 当然他们其中不排除很有远见的—— 但这些不是在城市 能遇到的典型的工程师, 通常那些人会说,“哦,路太挤了, 我们需要加一个车道。” 于是加了一个车道后, 车流就涌上来了, 然后他们会说, “看吧,我说过我们需要加车道。” 这同时适用于拥堵的高速和城市道路。
But the amazing thing about most American cities that I work in, the more typical cities, is that they have a lot of streets that are actually oversized for the congestion they're currently experiencing. This was the case in Oklahoma City, when the mayor came running to me, very upset, because they were named in Prevention Magazine the worst city for pedestrians in the entire country. Now that can't possibly be true, but it certainly is enough to make a mayor do something about it. We did a walkability study, and what we found, looking at the car counts on the street -- these are 3,000-, 4,000-, 7,000-car counts and we know that two lanes can handle 10,000 cars per day. Look at these numbers -- they're all near or under 10,000 cars, and these were the streets that were designated in the new downtown plan to be four lanes to six lanes wide. So you had a fundamental disconnect between the number of lanes and the number of cars that wanted to use them.
但奇妙的是,大多数 我工作过的美国城市, 大部分典型的城市, 对于他们现在面临的拥挤情况, 其原因是有很多街道都过宽了。 这是俄克拉荷马市的实例, 市长曾非常沮丧的来找我, 因为他们在《预防杂志》中被命名为 全国对行人最不友好的城市。 这多半有些夸张, 但是足够让市长决定采取行动了。 我们做了可步行性的研究, 然后我们发现,统计一下街道上的车辆, 大概有3000,4000,7000辆车, 我们知道双车道 每天可以承载一万辆车。 比较一下这些数字—— 全都几乎接近或低于一万辆车, 而且这些街道全都在新城市计划中 被指定要建成为 四到六车道宽。 那么车道数量和使用车道的 车的数量有一个明显的脱节。
So it was my job to redesign every street in the downtown from curb face to curb face, and we did it for 50 blocks of streets, and we're rebuilding it now. So a typical oversized street to nowhere is being narrowed, and now under construction, and the project is half done. The typical street like this, you know, when you do that, you find room for medians. You find room for bike lanes. We've doubled the amount of on-street parking. We've added a full bike network where one didn't exist before.
那么我的工作就是去 重新设计市区的每一个街道, 从路面到路面, 包括了50个街区的街道, 现在正在重建中。 一个典型的方向不明确的过宽街道 变窄了,目前正在施工中, 已经完成了一半。 像这样的典型街道,大家都见过, 把它们变窄后, 就为隔离带腾出了空间。 你也为自行车道找到了空间。 街边停车位的数量加倍了。 我们还增加了之前 并不存在的自行车道网络。
But not everyone has the money that Oklahoma City has, because they have an extraction economy that's doing quite well. The typical city is more like Cedar Rapids, where they have an all four-lane system, half one-way system. And it's a little hard to see, but what we've done -- what we're doing; it's in process right now, it's in engineering right now -- is turning an all four-lane system, half one-way into an all two-lane system, all two-way, and in so doing, we're adding 70 percent more on-street parking, which the merchants love, and it protects the sidewalk. That parking makes the sidewalk safe, and we're adding a much more robust bicycle network.
但不是所有的城市都能像 俄克拉荷马市有足够的资金, 因为他们有一个 运作良好的提取经济。 典型的城市更像锡达拉皮兹市, 那里他们有四车道的系统, 半单向车道系统。 可能很难发现, 但是我们已经重新规划过的—— 还有一些在建项目, 目前正在施工—— 是将全部的四车道和半单向系统 转变为双车道,全双向系统, 在建设的过程中, 我们增加了70%的街边停车位, 很受商家的欢迎, 还能保护人行道。 停车位让人行道变的安全, 我们还增加了很多 经久耐用的自行车道网络。
Then the lanes themselves. How wide are they? That's really important. The standards have changed such that, as Andrés Duany says, the typical road to a subdivision in America allows you to see the curvature of the Earth.
然后车道本身,是多宽呢? 这非常重要。 标准已经改变, 正如安德烈斯杜安尼所说, 通往美国城区的典型道路 可以让你看到地球的曲线。
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This is a subdivision outside of Washington from the 1960s. Look very carefully at the width of the streets. This is a subdivision from the 1980s. 1960s, 1980s. The standards have changed to such a degree that my old neighborhood of South Beach, when it was time to fix the street that wasn't draining properly, they had to widen it and take away half our sidewalk, because the standards were wider. People go faster on wider streets. People know this. The engineers deny it, but the citizens know it, so that in Birmingham, Michigan, they fight for narrower streets. Portland, Oregon, famously walkable, instituted its "Skinny Streets" program in its residential neighborhood. We know that skinny streets are safer. The developer Vince Graham, in his project I'On, which we worked on in South Carolina, he goes to conferences and he shows his amazing 22-foot roads. These are two-way roads, very narrow rights of way, and he shows this well-known philosopher, who said, "Broad is the road that leads to destruction ... narrow is the road that leads to life."
这是一个1960年代华盛顿的外城区。 仔细观察这个街道的宽窄。 这是一个1980年代的城区。 1960s,1980s 标准变化到了这么一个程度, 导致我的南海岸的旧邻 要去维修道路排水系统的时候, 他们需要拓宽并拿掉一半的人行道, 因为标准变宽了。 人们在更宽的路上可以移动得更快。 人们知道这一点。 工程师们否认它,但是市民们知道, 所以在伯明翰,密西根, 他们力争窄的街道。 波特兰,俄勒冈,有名的可步行, 在居民社区创立了“街道瘦身”项目。 我们知道窄型的街道更安全。 开发人文斯-格雷厄姆, 在他的项目 I'On中, 也是我们在南卡从事的项目, 他前往大会并展示了 他的完美的6.7米路宽。 它们是双向车道,两边都很窄, 他还展示了著名的哲人 曾说的:“广阔是走向破坏的道路...... 狭窄是通往生活的道路。”
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This plays very well in the South.
这在南部取得的效果非常好。
Now: bicycles. Bicycles and bicycling are the current revolution underway in only some American cities. But where you build it, they come. As a planner, I hate to say that, but the one thing I can say is that bicycle population is a function of bicycle infrastructure. I asked my friend Tom Brennan from Nelson\Nygaard in Portland to send me some pictures of the Portland bike commute. He sent me this. I said, "Was that bike to work day?" He said, "No, that was Tuesday." When you do what Portland did and spend money on bicycle infrastructure -- New York City has doubled the number of bikers in it several times now by painting these bright green lanes. Even automotive cities like Long Beach, California: vast uptick in the number of bikers based on the infrastructure. And of course, what really does it, if you know 15th Street here in Washington, DC -- please meet Rahm Emanuel's new bike lanes in Chicago, the buffered lane, the parallel parking pulled off the curb, the bikes between the parked cars and the curb -- these mint cyclists. If, however, as in Pasadena, every lane is a bike lane, then no lane is a bike lane. And this is the only bicyclist that I met in Pasadena, so ...
现在:说说自行车。 自行车和骑自行车 现在都只在部分美国城市 面临着革命。 但是你在哪建造自行车道, 它们就到哪。 作为一个规划人,我不想承认这一点, 但是有一件事我可以确定, 骑自行车的人口数 是自行车建设的基础。 我曾让我在波特兰的 纳尔逊尼格公司的朋友汤姆博南 发给我一些波特兰自行车通勤的照片。 他发给我这个,我问“这是骑车上班日”吗? 他说:“不是,这是一个普通的周二。” 当你像波特兰那样 花费资金在自行车道建设上—— 纽约市通过画这些亮绿色的自行车道, 多次让骑车的人数翻倍。 甚至机动车主导的城市, 像加州的长滩: 也出现了基于基础设施的 大量骑车人数上升。 当然,其背后真正的原因, 如果你知道华盛顿特区的第15大道—— 请看在芝加哥的 拉姆·伊曼纽尔的新自行车道, 缓冲通道,平行停车的路缘, 自行车介于停靠的车和路缘之间—— 这些友好的骑车者。 然而如果在(南加州的)帕萨迪纳市, 每一条道路都是自行车道, 那么也就等于没有自行车道了。 这是唯一一个我在帕萨迪纳 遇到的骑自行车的人。
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The parallel parking I mentioned -- it's an essential barrier of steel that protects the curb and pedestrians from moving vehicles. This is Ft. Lauderdale; one side of the street, you can park, the other side of the street, you can't. This is happy hour on the parking side. This is sad hour on the other side. And then the trees themselves slow cars down. They move slower when trees are next to the road, and, of course, sometimes they slow down very quickly. All the little details -- the curb return radius. Is it one foot or is it 40 feet? How swoopy is that curb to determine how fast the car goes and how much room you have to cross. And then I love this, because this is objective journalism. "Some say the entrance to CityCenter is not inviting to pedestrians." When every aspect of the landscape is swoopy, is aerodynamic, is stream-form geometrics, it says: "This is a vehicular place." So no one detail, no one speciality, can be allowed to set the stage. And here, you know, this street: yes, it will drain within a minute of the hundred-year storm, but this poor woman has to mount the curb every day.
我提到的平行泊车—— 是针对那些铁家伙的重要保护屏障, 它保护路缘和行人免于移动车辆的伤害。 这是劳德代尔堡, 街道的一侧,你可以泊车, 另一侧则不可以。 这是商家优惠时段的停车侧。 这是淡季时段里的另一侧。 这些树木本身也可以让车慢下来。 当路边有树木时行车会比较慢, 当然,有时候 他们减速非常快(撞树了)。 还要考虑所有的小细节—— 比如路缘的曲度。 它是0.3米的还是12米? 需要多么尖锐的路缘 来决定车可以开多快, (转弯)需要占用多少空间? 我很喜欢这一段内容, 因为这是客观的报道, “有人说市中心的入口并不欢迎路人。” 当处处景观都很炫酷, 呈现空气动力的,流线型几何构造, 它要表达的是:“这里是车的天下。” 没有一个细节,没有一种特色 能够为行人友好化铺路。 虽然这条街: 是的,它可以在一分钟内排泄百年洪水, 但是这个可怜的女人 每天过马路都需要爬路缘。
So then quickly, the comfortable walk has to do with the fact that all animals seek, simultaneously, prospect and refuge. We want to be able to see our predators, but we also want to feel that our flanks are covered. And so we're drawn to places that have good edges, and if you don't supply the edges, people won't want to be there. What's the proper ratio of height to width? Is it one to one? Three to one? If you get beyond one to six, you're not very comfortable anymore. You don't feel enclosed. Now, six to one in Salzburg can be perfectly delightful. The opposite of Salzburg is Houston. The point being the parking lot is the principal problem here. However, missing teeth, those empty lots can be issues as well, and if you have a missing corner because of an outdated zoning code, then you could have a missing nose in your neighborhood. That's what we had in my neighborhood. This was the zoning code that said I couldn't build on that site. As you may know, Washington, DC is now changing its zoning to allow sites like this to become sites like this. We needed a lot of variances to do that. Triangular houses can be interesting to build, but if you get one built, people generally like it. So you've got to fill those missing noses.
于是很快的,舒适的 行走需要面临一个事实, 那就是所有的动物 都要寻找,期待,和躲藏。 我们希望能够看清路况, 但同时也想要感到 道路两边的 建筑能提供一定的遮掩。 于是我们被有人性化设计的 路缘的城市吸引了, 而且如果你不提供路缘, 人们就不会想去哪里。 什么样的(楼)高(路)宽比 是合适的呢? 是2比1,3比1? 如果超过一比六,你就不会觉得舒服了。 你不再有安全感。 6比1在萨尔茨堡可以非常赏心悦目的。 和萨尔茨堡相反的是休斯敦。 这里的首要问题是停车场。 然而,少了一栋楼, 那些空旷的位置也可能成为问题, 如果因为过期的区域码导致了一块缺角, 那么可能在你社区一条路的 中间位置出现一个缺口。 这是我住的社区。 这是区码,上面写着 这里不可以施工建设。 你们都知道,华盛顿特区 正在对社区进行改造, 让街道的一侧从这样变成这样的。 我们需要很多的变动。 建造三角房屋很有趣, 但是如果你建一个,人们通常会很喜欢。 所有你要想办法去填补 这些缺失的空间。
And then, finally, the interesting walk: signs of humanity. We are among the social primates. Nothing interests us more than other people. We want signs of people. So the perfect one-to-one ratio, it's a great thing. This is Grand Rapids, a very walkable city, but nobody walks on this street that connects the two best hotels together, because if on the left, you have an exposed parking deck, and on the right, you have a conference facility that was apparently designed in admiration for that parking deck, then you don't attract that many people. Mayor Joe Riley, in his 10th term, Mayor of Charleston, South Carolina, taught us it only takes 25 feet of building to hide 250 feet of garage. This one I call the Chia Pet Garage. It's in South Beach. That active ground floor.
那么最后一个要点,良好的步行体验: 人性的标志。 我们是社会的首要成员。 没什么能比其他人更让我们感兴趣了。 我们想要人的踪迹。 那么完美的1比1,是好事。 这是大急流城, 一个标志性的步行城市, 但是没人在连接着 两个最好的宾馆之间的街道上走, 因为如果在左边, 有一个暴露的停车楼, 然后在右边有一个会议中心, 这就是一个明显迁就于停车楼的设计, 那么你就不能吸引很多的人了。 市长乔·莱利,在他作为南卡罗来纳州 查尔斯顿市市长的第10个任期, 告诉了我们只用7.6米的建筑就可以 掩盖一个76米的停车场。 这一个被我叫做奇亚宠物车库。 它在南海滩。 地面上的那层还能正常运作。
I want to end with this project that I love to show. It's by Meleca Architects. It's in Columbus, Ohio. To the left is the convention center neighborhood, full of pedestrians. To the right is the Short North neighborhood -- ethnic, great restaurants, great shops, struggling. It wasn't doing very well because this was the bridge, and no one was walking from the convention center into that neighborhood. Well, when they rebuilt the highway, they added an extra 80 feet to the bridge. Sorry -- they rebuilt the bridge over the highway. The city paid 1.9 million dollars, they gave the site to a developer, the developer built this and now the Short North has come back to life. And everyone says, the newspapers, not the planning magazines, the newspapers say it's because of that bridge.
我想要以这个项目结束我的演讲。 它属于马莱卡建筑师公司, 在俄亥俄州的哥伦布市。 左边是会议中心区,全部是行人。 右边是短北街道社区—— 少数民族聚集区, 很棒的餐厅,很棒的消费区, 但却濒临倒闭。 这块区域运行的不是很好, 因为这曾经有一座桥, 没人愿意从会议区走路到 这边的街区。 那么,当他们重新建高速的时候, 他们为这个桥加宽了25米。 很抱歉——他们是在 高速路上面重建了这个桥。 市政府花了190万美金, 他们把这块区域交给开发者, 然后开发者打造了这个设计, 然后现在短北区又充满生机了。 每个人都在谈论,报纸, 不包括规划杂志, 报纸新闻说是因为那个桥。
So that's it. That's the general theory of walkability. Think about your own cities. Think about how you can apply it. You've got to do all four things at once. So find those places where you have most of them and fix what you can, fix what still needs fixing in those places.
大概就是这样, 这就是可步行性的基本理论。 想想你们自己的城市。 想想你能如何使用这个理论。 你需要同时做四件事。 那么找到可以满足多数条件的地方, 然后改进你能做的, 完善那些始终需要完善的。
I really appreciate your attention, and thank you for coming today.
很感谢大家耐心听我的演讲, 感谢大家的到来。
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