So last year, I ran for mayor of my hometown, Tulsa, Oklahoma. And I was the underdog. I was running against a two-term incumbent, and my opponent ran the classic partisan playbook. He publicized his endorsement of Donald Trump. He publicized a letter that he sent to President Obama protesting Syrian refugees, even though none of them were coming to Tulsa.
去年,我在我的家乡俄克拉荷马州的 塔尔萨市参加了市长选举。 我是处于下风的, 我需要和一个连任两届 的在职人员竞争, 而且我的对手使用了 经典的党派战术。 他公开了自己对特朗普的拥护, 并发表了一封他寄给 奥巴马总统的信, 抗议叙利亚难民, 即使这些都没有在 塔尔萨发生。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
He ran ads on TV that my kids thought made me look like Voldemort, and sent out little gems in the mail, like this. [America's most liberal labor union has endorsed]
他在电视上放广告,我的孩子觉得 那广告使我看起来像伏地魔, 而且他还在信件中派发 这些小玩意儿,比如这个。 【全美最自由主义的劳工会已背书】
Never mind that "America's most liberal labor union," as defined by this ad, was actually the Tulsa Firefighters Union, hardly a famed bastion of liberalism.
且不要去理会这个“全美 最自由主义的劳工会”的广告 给出的定义,这实际上是 塔尔萨的消防联合会, 根本就不是一个自由主义的堡垒。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
Never mind that while she was running for president and he was serving in his final year in that office, Hillary, Barack and I could just never find the time to get together and yuck it up about the Tulsa mayor's race.
且不要说一个在竞选总统, 而一个正值任期的最后一年, 希拉里, 巴拉克和我从来没能 找到一个时间会面, 讨论关于塔尔萨的市长选举。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
Never mind that I, like my opponent, am a Republican.
且不要说,我,和我的对手一样, 是一个共和党。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
And so when something like this hits you in a campaign, you have to decide how you're going to respond, and we had a novel idea. What if, instead of responding with partisanship, we responded with a focus on results? What if we ran a campaign that was not about running against someone, but was about bringing people together behind a common vision? And so we decided to respond not with a negative ad but with something people find even sexier -- data points.
所以当这样的事情在竞选中 发生在你身上的时候, 你必须决定如何去回应, 我们有一个新颖的想法。 如果不去以党派之争来回应, 而是以对结果的 关注来回应呢? 如果我们能够开展一个竞选活动, 不是关于反对某人, 而是将人们带到一个 相同的愿景下呢? 所以我们决定不以 一个消极的广告来回应, 而是以一些人们觉得 更性感的东西—— 数据点。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
And so we emphasized things like increasing per capita income in our city, increasing our city's population, and we stuck to those relentlessly, throughout the campaign, always bringing it back to those things by which our voters could measure, in a very transparent way, how we were doing, and hold me accountable if I got elected.
我们重点强调了像关于 增加我们市的人均收入, 增加城市的人口这样的问题, 而且我们在整个选举过程中 不断强调这些, 总是将关注点带回到 这些问题上, 让选民能够以一种 透明的方式可以考量 我们做得如何, 以及如果我赢得了选举, 如何让我负责到底。
And a funny thing happened when we did that. Tulsa is home to one of the most vibrant young professional populations in the country, and they took notice of this approach. We have in our culture in our city, an ethos where our business leaders don't just run companies, they run philanthropic institutions and nonprofits, and those folks took notice. We have parents who are willing to sacrifice today so that their kids can have a better future, and those people took notice, too. And so on election day, I, G.T. Bynum, a guy whose name reminds people of a circus promoter ...
在这之后, 一件有趣的事情发生了。 塔尔萨是这个国家最具活力的 年轻专业人士聚集的城市, 这个方式引起了这些年轻人的注意。 在我们的文化和城市中 存在这样的社会思潮, 即商业领袖不仅仅经营公司, 同时还经营慈善机构 和非营利性组织, 这些人也注意到了我们的作为。 有很多父母愿意牺牲自己的今天, 去为他们的孩子换取更好的未来。 这些人也注意到了。 所以在选举的那天, 我,G.T. Bynum, 一个名字总是让人们想起 马戏团营销员的人——
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
a guy with the raw animal magnetism of a young Orville Redenbacher ...
一个有着年轻奥威尔·瑞登巴可那般 初生牛犊不怕虎精神的人——
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
I won the election by 17 points.
我以 17 个百分点的优势赢得了选举。
(Applause)
(观众掌声)
And we did it with the support of Republicans and Democrats. Now, why is that story and that approach so novel? Why do we always allow ourselves to fall back on philosophical disagreements that ultimately lead to division? I believe it is because politicians find it easier to throw the red meat out to the base than to innovate.
我们共和党人和民主党人的 共同支持下赢得了选举。 那么,为什么那个故事 和那个方式如此新颖? 为什么我们总是让自己 回落到最终会导致分裂的 思维分歧上? 我认为,这是因为政治家们 发现相比起创新, 向底层人民施舍一些好处 要更加容易。
The conventional wisdom is that to win an election, you have to dumb it down and play to your constituencies' basest, divisive instincts. And when somebody wins an election like that, they win, that's true, but the rest of us lose.
传统的智慧是, 要想赢得一个选举, 你必须深入到基层, 把玩你选区内最基本的、 分裂的直觉。 当人们以那样的方式赢得了选举时, 他们赢了,毋庸置疑, 但其他人就输了。
And so what we need to do is think about how can we change that dynamic. How can we move in a direction where partisanship is replaced with policy? And fortunately, there's a growing bipartisan movement across this country that is doing just that.
所以我们需要想一想 如何改变那个局面。 我们如何朝着一个 用政策取代党派之争的方向前进? 幸运的是,有一个不断壮大的 两党运动正在全国范围内 实践这一策略。
One of its heroes is a guy named Mitch Daniels. Mitch Daniels served as George W. Bush's budget director, and during that time, he created what was called the PART tool. The PART tool allowed people to evaluate a broad range of federal programs and apply numerical scoring for them on things like program management and project results. And using this, they evaluated over a thousand federal programs. Over 150 programs had their funding reduced because they could not demonstrate success. But unfortunately, there wasn't ever a well-publicized increase in funding for those programs that did demonstrate success, and because of this, the program was never really popular with Congress, and was eventually shuttered. But the spirit of that program lived on.
其中的一个英雄 是一个叫米奇·丹尼尔斯的人。 米奇·丹尼尔斯曾经是 小布什的预算主管, 在任职期间, 他创造了一个叫 PART 的工具。 这个工具允许人们去评估 一个大范围内的联邦项目, 并且将数字打分制 运用在比如项目管理 和项目结果这样的事情上。 利用这个工具,他们评估了 超过 1000 个联邦项目。 超过 150 个项目 被削减了经费。 因为他们不能够 证明项目是成功的。 但遗憾的是,在那些被证明 成功了的项目中, 我们没有看到公开的经费增长。 正因如此,这类项目 一直没有受到国会的重视, 最终被关闭了。 但是那些项目的精神还在流传。
Mitch Daniels went home to Indiana, ran for governor, got elected, and applied the same premise to state programs, reducing funding for those programs that could not demonstrate success, but this time, he very publicly increased funding for those programs that could demonstrate success, things like increasing the number of state troopers that they needed to have, reducing wait times at the DMV -- and today, Mitch Daniels is the president of Purdue University, applying yet again the same principles, this time at the higher ed level, and he's done that in order to keep tuition levels for students there flat for half a decade.
米奇·丹尼尔斯回到了 家乡印第安纳州, 参加了州长选举,并成功当选, 然后将同样的原理 运用到了州项目上, 削减了那些不能被证明 行之有效的项目的经费。 但这一次,他非常公开地 为那些成功的项目 增加了经费, 比如增加了必需的 州警员的数量, 缩短了民众在车管所的等待时间—— 现在, 米奇·丹尼尔斯 是普渡大学的校长。 正在将同样的理念 应用到高等教育上, 这样做是为了保证学生的 学费在五年时间内 维持稳定。
Now, while Mitch Daniels applied this at the federal level, the state level, and in higher ed, the guy that really cracked the code for cities is a Democrat, Martin O'Malley, during his time as Mayor of Baltimore. Now, when Mayor O'Malley took office, he was a big fan of what they'd been able to do in New York City when it came to fighting crime. When Rudy Giuliani first became Mayor of New York, crime statistics were collected on a monthly, even an annual basis, and then police resources would be allocated based on those statistics. Giuliani shrunk that time frame, so that crime statistics would be collected on a daily, even hourly basis, and then police resources would be allocated to those areas quickly where crimes were occurring today rather than where they were occurring last quarter.
现在,米奇·丹尼尔斯将这个策略 应用在了联邦层面和 州层面,以及高等教育界, 而民主党人,马丁·奥马利, 在他作为巴尔的摩市长的执政期间 真正使这个做法 在城市实现了突破。 市长奥马利上任的时候, 当涉及到打击犯罪,他很热衷于尝试 他们曾经在纽约市所采取的策略。 当鲁迪·朱利安尼第一次 担任纽约市长的时候, 犯罪数据是按月, 甚至按年来收集的, 警力资源会依据 这些数据来调配。 朱利安尼压缩了这一时间框架, 使得犯罪数据 会按照每日,甚至是每小时更新, 然后警力资源会被快速调配到 当天发生犯罪的地区, 而不是上一个季度发生犯罪的地区。
Well, O'Malley loved that approach, and he applied it in Baltimore. And he applied it to the two areas that were most problematic for Baltimore from a crime-fighting standpoint. We call these the kidneys of death. [Baltimore homicides and shootings, 1999] So there they are, the kidneys. Now watch this. Watch what happens when you apply data in real time and deploy resources quickly.
奥马利热衷于使用那个策略, 于是将它应用到了巴尔的摩 从打击罪犯的角度来说 最多问题的两个地区。 我们把这些地区叫作“死亡之肾”。 【1999 年巴尔的摩谋杀和枪击事件】 这就是那两个“肾”。 现在看这个—— 如果你实时更新数据, 然后迅速调配资源会发生什么。
In a decade, they reduced violent crime in Baltimore by almost 50 percent, using this approach, but the genius of what O'Malley did was not that he just did what some other city was doing. Lots of us mayors do that.
利用这个策略,在十年之内, 他们使巴尔的摩的 暴力犯罪率下降了 50%。 但是奥马利真正厉害的地方在于, 他并没有单纯模仿其它城市的做法—— 虽然很多我们的市长们 都是那样做的。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
He realized that the same approach could be used to all of the problems that his city faced. And so they applied it to issue after issue in Baltimore, and today, it's being used by mayors across the country to deal with some of our greatest challenges. And the overall approach is a very simple one -- identify the goal that you want to achieve; identify a measurement by which you can track progress toward that goal; identify a way of testing that measurement cheaply and quickly; and then deploy whatever strategies you think would work, test them, reduce funding for the strategies that don't work, and put your money into those strategies that do.
他意识到了同样的策略 可以被应用到这个城市所面临的 所有问题上。 所以,他们将它应用到了 巴尔的摩的一个又一个问题上, 现在,全国的很多市长 都在用该策略 去应对一些我们最大的挑战。 整体说来,这个方式 是很简单的—— 确认你想要达到的目标; 确认一个测量方式, 通过它可以跟踪 实现目标的进度; 确认一个低成本而且快速的 测试衡量标准的方法, 然后调配一切 你认为有效的策略, 检测它们, 减少没有实际用处的 策略的经费, 然后将你们的资金投放在 有实际用处的策略上。
Today, Atlanta is using this to address housing issues for their homeless population. Philadelphia has used this to reduce their crime rates to levels not enjoyed since the 1960s. Louisville has used this not just for their city but in a community-wide effort bringing resources together to address vacant and abandoned properties. And I am using this approach in Tulsa. I want Tulsa to be a world-class city, and we cannot do that if we aren't clear in what our goals are and we don't use evidence and evaluation to accomplish them.
现今,亚特兰大正在使用 这个方式解决无家可归人群的 住房问题。 费城利用这一策略将犯罪率降低到了 上世纪 60 年代以来的最低水平。 路易斯维尔不仅在他们的城市中 使用了这种方法, 而且通过社区群体的努力 将资源整合在一起, 以解决空置和废弃房产的问题。 现在,我在塔尔萨 也使用了这个策略。 我想要塔尔萨成为 一个世界级的城市, 如果我们不清楚我们的目标, 而且也不使用证据和评估 去达成目标,一切就只是空谈。
Now, what's interesting, and we've found in implementing this, a lot of people, when you talk about data, people think of that as a contrast to creativity. What we've found is actually quite the opposite. We've found it to be an engine for creative problem-solving, because when you're focused on a goal, and you can test different strategies quickly, the sky's the limit on the different things that you can test out. You can come up with any strategy that you can come up with and utilize and try and test it until you find something that works, and then you double down on that. The other area that we've found that it lends itself to creativity is that it breaks down those old silos of ownership that we run into so often in government. It allows you to draw all the stakeholders in your community that care about homelessness or crime-fighting or education or vacant and abandoned properties, and bring those people to the table so you can work together to address your common goal.
有趣的是,我们在 推行的过程中发现, 当你说到数据的时候, 很多人会认为这不是创造力。 而我们发现,事实截然相反。 我们发现数据可以推动 创造性的解决问题, 因为当你关注在一个目标上, 而且你可以快速地测试 不同策略的时候, 你可以检测的对象就是无限的。 你可以提出任何你想到的策略, 然后使用、尝试和检测它们, 直到你发现可行的方式, 然后在该方式上付出双倍的努力。 我们发现的另一个 具有创新潜能的领域是, 它打破了我们在政府中经常遇到的 旧的所有权壁垒。 它使得你可以在社区中 将所有的利益相关人, 那些关注无家可归问题、 打击罪犯、教育 或者空缺和弃置房产的人 聚集在一起, 你们可以通过合作 达成你们共同的目标。
Now, in Tulsa, we're applying this to things that are common city initiatives, things like, as you've heard now repeatedly, public safety -- that's an obvious one; improving our employee morale at the city -- we don't think you could do good things unless you've got happy employees; improving the overall street quality throughout our community. But we're also applying it to things that are not so traditional when you think about what cities are responsible for, things like increasing per capita income, increasing our population, improving our high school graduation rates, and perhaps the greatest challenge that we face as a city.
在塔尔萨,我们正在将该策略 应用到一些常见的城市计划中, 就像你经常听到的, 公共安全——这个很明显; 提高城市工作人员的士气—— 如果没有快乐的员工,我不认为 你可以实现任何改善; 以及改善整个社区的整体街道质量。 但是我们也将该策略应用在了 不那么传统的事情上—— 从城市责任的角度出发, 比如增加人均收入, 增加人口, 提高中学毕业率, 也许还包含我们作为城市 所面对的最大的挑战。
At the dawn of the 1920s, Tulsa was home to the most vibrant African American community in the country. The Greenwood section of our city was known as Black Wall Street. In 1921, in one night, Tulsa experienced the worst race riot in American history. Black Wall Street was burned to the ground, and today, a child that is born in the most predominantly African American part of our city is expected to live 11 years less than a kid that's born elsewhere in Tulsa. Now, for us, this is a unifying issue. Four years from now, we will recognize the 100th commemoration of that awful event, and in Tulsa, we are bringing every tool that we can to address that life-expectancy disparity, and we're not checking party registration cards at the door to the meetings. We don't care who you voted for for president if you want to help restore the decade of life that's being stolen from these kids right now. And so we've got white folks and black folks, Hispanic folks and Native American folks, we've got members of Congress, members of the city council, business leaders, religious leaders, Trump people and Hillary people, all joined by one common belief, and that is that a kid should have an equal shot at a good life in our city, regardless of what part of town they happen to be born in.
20 世纪 20 年代初, 塔尔萨拥有全国最活跃的 非裔美国人社区。 我们城市的格林伍德区域 以“黑色华尔街”闻名。 在1921年的一个晚上, 塔尔萨经历了整个美国历史上 最恶劣的种族暴乱。 “黑色华尔街”被夷为平地。 今天,一个在我们城市中 最主要的非裔美国人 聚居地出生的小孩, 预计比在塔尔萨其它地区 出生的小孩寿命要短 11 年。 对我们来说, 这是一个共同的问题。 在未来四年,我们将迎来 那个可怕事件的 100 周年。 在塔尔萨,我们将竭尽全力 去缩短预计寿命的差异。 我们不会在会议大厅门口 查看党派注册卡。 如果你想帮助这些孩子 找回失去的十年生命, 我们不关心你给 哪位总统候选人投了票。 我们需要白人和黑人, 拉丁裔美国人和美国原住民, 国会成员和市议会成员, 商业领导者和宗教领导者, 支持特朗普的人和支持希拉里的人, 都在一个共同的信仰下 集合在一起, 那就是在我们的城市,每个孩子拥有 美好生活的机会应该是均等的, 无论他们在城市的哪个地区出生。
Now, how do we go forward with that? Is that easy to accomplish? Of course not! If it were easy to accomplish, somebody would have already done it before us. But what I love about city government is that the citizens can create whatever kind of city they're willing to build, and in Tulsa, we have decided to build a city where Republicans and Democrats use evidence, data and evaluation to solve our greatest challenges together.
那么,我们如何实现这个目标? 这是容易完成的事情吗? 当然不是。 如果很容易就完成, 有人就已经在我们之前做到了。 但是我认为,城市政府 最吸引人的地方在于, 市民可以创造 任何他们想要建造的城市。 在塔尔萨,我们决定 建造这样一个城市, 在这个城市中,共和党和民主党 使用事实,数据和评估 去一起解决我们最大的挑战。
And if we can do this, if we can set partisanship aside in the only state in the whole country where Barack Obama never carried a single county, then you can do it in your town, too.
如果我们可以做到, 如果我们能在全国唯一一个 奥巴马从未拿下过一个县的州 抛开党派之争, 那么你也可以在你的城镇做到。
(Laughter)
(观众笑声)
Your cities can be saved or squandered in one generation. So let's agree to set aside our philosophical disagreements and focus on those aspirations that unite us. Let's grasp the opportunity that is presented by innovation to build better communities for our neighbors. Let's replace a focus on partisan division with a focus on results. That is the path to a better future for us all.
你的城市在一代人的时间之内 就可以被拯救,或是摧毁。 所以让我们共同努力, 将思想分歧放在一边, 关注那些将我们 团结在一起的愿景。 让我们抓住创新带来的机遇, 为我们的邻居建造 更好的社区。 让我们关注结果, 而不是党派分裂, 这才是带领我们所有人 通向更美好未来的道路。
Thank you for your time.
谢谢。
(Applause)
(观众掌声)