In the 17th century, a woman named Giulia Tofana had a very successful perfume business. For over 50 years she ran it. It sort of ended abruptly when she was executed — (Laughter) — for murdering 600 men. You see, it wasn't a very good perfume. In fact, it was completely odorless and tasteless and colorless, but as a poison, it was the best money could buy, so women flocked to her in order to murder their husbands.
U 17. veku postojala je žena koja se zvala Đulijana Tofana koja je imala vrlo uspešan posao sa parfemima. Vodila ga je preko 50 godina. Završio se iznenada kada su nju pogubili - (Smeh) zbog ubistva 600 muškaraca. Vidite, nije to bio baš dobar parfem. U stvari je bio totalno bez mirisa, ukusa i bez boje, ali je kao otrov, bio najbolje što može za novac da se kupi. pa su žene letele kod nje po parfem, da bi ubile muževe.
It turns out that poisoners were a valued and feared group, because poisoning a human being is a quite difficult thing. The reason is, we have sort of a built-in poison detector. You can see this as early as even in newborn infants. If you are willing to do this, you can take a couple of drops of a bitter substance or a sour substance, and you'll see that face, the tongue stick out, the wrinkled nose, as if they're trying to get rid of what's in their mouth. This reaction expands into adulthood and becomes sort of a full-blown disgust response, no longer just about whether or not we're about to be poisoned, but whenever there's a threat of physical contamination from some source. But the face remains strikingly similar. It has expanded more, though, than just keeping us away from physical contaminants, and there's a growing body of evidence to suggest that, in fact, this emotion of disgust now influences our moral beliefs and even our deeply held political intuitions.
Ispostavlja se da su trovači bili cenjena i zastrašujuća grupa ljudi jer je trovanje ljudskog bića jako teška stvar. Razlog tome je, da imamo neku vrstu ugrađenog detektora za otrov. Možete ovo da vidite čak i kod novorođenih beba. Ako hoćete to da isprobate, uzmite par kapljica gorke ili kisele supstance, i videćete ovo lice, isplažen jezik, naboran nos, kao da pokušavaju da se otarase onoga što im je u ustima. Reakcija se širi na odraslo doba i postaje neka vrsta gađenja u punoj snazi, ne više u vezi sa tim da li ćemo biti otrovani, već kad god postoji pretnja od fizičke kontaminacije iz nekog izvora. Ali izraz lica ostaje upadljivo sličan. Ovo se proširilo dalje od toga da nas štiti od samo fizičkih kontaminata, i rastu dokazi koji ukazuju da u stvari, ova emocija gađenja utiče na naša moralna uverenja,
Why this might be the case? We can understand this process by understanding a little bit about emotions in general. So the basic human emotions, those kinds of emotions that we share with all other human beings, exist because they motivate us to do good things and they keep us away from doing bad things. So by and large, they are good for our survival. Take the emotion of fear, for instance. It keeps us away from doing things that are really, really risky. This photo taken just before his death — (Laughter) — is actually a — No, one reason this photo is interesting is because most people would not do this, and if they did, they would not live to tell it, because fear would have kicked in a long time ago to a natural predator. Just like fear offers us protective benefits, disgust seems to do the same thing, except for what disgust does is keeps us away from not things that might eat us, or heights, but rather things that might poison us, or give us disease and make us sick. So one of the features of disgust that makes it such an interesting emotion is that it's very, very easy to elicit, in fact more so than probably any of the other basic emotions, and so I'm going to show you that with a couple of images I can probably make you feel disgust. So turn away. I'll tell you when you can turn back. (Laughter)
čak i našu najdublju političku intuiciju. Šta bi ovo moglo da znači? Možemo da razumemo ovaj proces shvatanjem nečega o ovim emocijama uopšteno. Tako osnovne ljudske emocije, one koje delimo sa ostalim ljudskim bićima, postoje zato da bi nas motivisale da radimo dobre stvari i da nas čuvaju od činjenja loših stvari. Tako da su generalno, dobre za naše preživljavanje. Uzmite emociju straha, na primer. Čuva nas od stvari koje su zaista, zaista rizične. Ovo je uslikano pre nego što je umro - (Smeh)- ovo je zapravo - ne, razlog zašto je ova fotografija zanimljiva je zato što mnogi ljudi ne bi radili ovo, i ako bi, ne bi doživeli da o tome pričaju, jer bi strah već delovao na rođenog grabljivca. Kao što nam strah pruža zaštitu, gađenje izgleda da radi istu stvar, osim što nas gađenje ne čuva od onoga što bi nas pojelo, ili od visine, već od stvari koje mogu da nas otruju, ili nam daju bolest i razbole nas. I jedna od odlika gađenja koja je čini tako zanimljivom emocijom je da ju je vrlo, vrlo lako izazvati, u suštini verovatno i lakše nego bilo koju drugu osnovnu emociju. I to ću da vam dokažem uz par slika. Verovatno mogu da vas zgadim. Zato se okrenite. Reći ću vam kad da se vratite.
I mean, you see it every day, right? I mean, come on. (Laughter)
(Smeh)
(Audience: Ewww.)
Mislim, ovo viđate svakog dana, hajde. (Smeh)
Okay, turn back, if you didn't look.
(Publika: Ouuuu)
Those probably made a lot of you in the audience feel very, very disgusted, but if you didn't look, I can tell you about some of the other things that have been shown sort of across the world to make people disgusted, things like feces, urine, blood, rotten flesh. These are the sorts of things that it makes sense for us to stay away from, because they might actually contaminate us. In fact, just having a diseased appearance or odd sexual acts, these things are also things that give us a lot of disgust.
Ok, okrenite se, ako niste gledali. Ovo je verovatno učinilo da su se mnogi od vas u publici mnogo, mnogo zgadili, ali ako niste pogledali, reći ću vam o još nekim stvarima koje su prikazane po svetu da bi se ljudi zgadili, stvari kao što je izmet, urin, krv, trulo meso. Ovo su takve stvari da ima smisla što se držimo podalje od njih, jer one zapravo mogu da nas zaraze. U stvari, sama pojava bolesti ili čudnih seksualnih činova, je takođe
Darwin was probably one of the first scientists to systematically investigate the human emotions, and he pointed to the universal nature and the strength of the disgust response. This is an anecdote from his travels in South America.
stvar koja nas dosta zgadi. Darvin je bio verovatno jedan od prvih naučnika koji je sistematski istraživao ljudske emocije, i on je ukazao na univerzalnu prirodu i snagu gađenja.
"In Tierro del Fuego a native touched with his finger some cold preserved meat while I was eating ... and plainly showed disgust at its softness, whilst I felt utter disgust at my food being touched by a naked savage — (Laughter) — though his hands did not appear dirty." He later wrote, "It's okay, some of my best friends are naked savages." (Laughter)
Ovo je anegdota sa njegovih putovanja po Južnoj Americi. "U Tiego del Fuegu domorodac je dotakao prstom suvo meso dok sam jeo... i otvoreno se zgadio koliko je meko, dok sam se ja potpuno zgadio jer je moju hranu dotakao goli divljak - (Smeh) - iako njegove ruke nisu izgledale prljavo".
Well it turns out it's not only old-timey British scientists who are this squeamish. I recently got a chance to talk to Richard Dawkins for a documentary, and I was able to disgust him a bunch of times. Here's my favorite.
Posle je napisao: "OK je, neki moji najbolji prijatelji su goli divljaci". (Smeh) Eto izgleda da nisu samo stari britanski naučnici ovoliko gadljivi. Nedavno sam imao priliku da razgovaram sa Ričardom Dokinsom za dokumentarac,
Richard Dawkins: "We've evolved around courtship and sex, are attached to deep-rooted emotions and reactions that are hard to jettison overnight."
i uspeo sam da ga zgadim gomilu puta. Evo mog omiljenog. Ričard Dokins: "Razvijali smo se oko udvaranja i seksa, i vezani smo za duboko usađene emocije i reakcije
David Pizarro: So my favorite part of this clip is that Professor Dawkins actually gagged. He jumps back, and he gags, and we had to do it three times, and all three times he gagged. (Laughter) And he was really gagging. I thought he might throw up on me, actually.
kojih je teško otarasiti se preko noći". Dejvid Pizaro: I moj omiljeni deo je kad se profesoru Dokinsu zaista smučilo. Ustuknuo je, onda mu se smučilo, i morali smo ovo da snimamo tri puta i sva tri puta mu se smučilo. (Smeh)
One of the features, though, of disgust, is not just its universality and its strength, but the way that it works through association. So when one disgusting thing touches a clean thing, that clean thing becomes disgusting, not the other way around. This makes it very useful as a strategy if you want to convince somebody that an object or an individual or an entire social group is disgusting and should be avoided. The philosopher Martha Nussbaum points this out in this quote: "Thus throughout history, certain disgust properties -- sliminess, bad smell, stickiness, decay, foulness -- have been repeatedly and monotonously been associated with ... Jews, women, homosexuals, untouchables, lower-class people -- all of those are imagined as tainted by the dirt of the body." Let me give you just some examples of how, some powerful examples of how this has been used historically. This comes from a Nazi children's book published in 1938: "Just look at these guys! The louse-infested beards, the filthy, protruding ears, those stained, fatty clothes... Jews often have an unpleasant sweetish odor. If you have a good nose, you can smell the Jews." A more modern example comes from people who try to convince us that homosexuality is immoral. This is from an anti-gay website, where they said gays are "worthy of death for their vile ... sex practices." They're like "dogs eating their own vomit and sows wallowing in their own feces." These are disgust properties that are trying to be directly linked to the social group that you should not like.
Stvarno mu je bilo muka. Pomislio sam da će da se ispovraća po meni. Jedna od odlika gađenja, nije samo njena univerzalnost i jačina, već kako se dešava uz asocijaciju. Pa kada jedna odvratna stvar dotakne čistu stvar, čista stvar postaje odvratna, a ne obrnuto. Ovo dođe jako korisna strategija ako želite da ubedite nekog da je neki predmet ili pojedinac ili čitava društvena grupa gadna i da je treba izbegavati. Filozof Marta Nusbaum ovo ističe u citatu: "Ipak u istoriji, određene osobine koje izazivaju gađenje - ljigavost, smrad, lepljivost, propadanje, poganost - stalno se i jednolično povezuju sa... Jevrejima, ženama, homoseksualcima, nedodirljivima, ljudima iz nižih klasa - za sve ove se misli da su obeleženi prljavošću tela." Daću vam samo nekoliko moćnih primera kako je ovo korišćeno kroz vreme. Ovo je iz nacističke knjige za decu objavljene 1938: "Pogledajte samo ove momke! Vašljive brade, prljave, klempave uši, flekava, masna odeća... Jevreji često imaju neprijatan sladunjav vonj. Ako imate dobar njuh, možete da osetite Jevreje". Moderniji primer dolazi od ljudi koji pokušavaju da nas ubede da je homoseksualnost nemoralna. Ovo je sa anti -gej vebsajta, gde kažu da gejevi "zaslužuju smrt zbog svojih odvratnih seksualnih navika." Oni su kao "psi koji jedu svoju povraćku i krmače koje se valjaju u svom izmetu". Ovo su osobine gađenja koje pokušavaju direktno
When we were first investigating the role of disgust in moral judgment, one of the things we became interested in was whether or not these sorts of appeals are more likely to work in individuals who are more easily disgusted. So while disgust, along with the other basic emotions, are universal phenomena, it just really is true that some people are easier to disgust than others. You could probably see it in the audience members when I showed you those disgusting images. The way that we measured this was by a scale that was constructed by some other psychologists that simply asked people across a wide variety of situations how likely they are to feel disgust. So here are a couple of examples. "Even if I were hungry, I would not drink a bowl of my favorite soup if it had been stirred by a used but thoroughly washed fly-swatter." "Do you agree or disagree?" (Laughter) "While you are walking through a tunnel under a railroad track, you smell urine. Would you be very disgusted or not at all disgusted?" If you ask enough of these, you can get a general overall score of disgust sensitivity. It turns out that this score is actually meaningful. When you bring people into the laboratory and you ask them if they're willing to engage in safe but disgusting behaviors like eating chocolate that's been baked to look like dog poop, or in this case eating some mealworms that are perfectly healthy but pretty gross, your score on that scale actually predicts whether or not you'll be willing to engage in those behaviors.
da se povežu sa društvenom grupom koja ne bi trebalo da vam se sviđa. Kad smo prvo ispitivali ulogu gađenja u moralnoj osudi, jedno od pitanja koja su nas zanimala jeste da li ili ne ova vrsta obraćanja više deluje na pojedince koje je lakše zgaditi. Dok gađenje, zajedno sa drugim prostim emocijama, je opšti fenomen, zaista je tačno da je neke ljude lakše zgaditi nego druge. To možete videti među članovima publike kad sam prikazao one odvratne slike. Način na koji smo ovo merili bio je po skali koju su napravili neki drugi psiholozi koji su prosto pitali ljude o različitim situacijama koliko je verovatno da bi osetili gadost. Evo nekoliko primera. "Čak i da sam gladna, ne bih pojela tanjir moje omiljene supe ako je promešana muvalicom koja je temeljno oprana. "Da li se slažete sa ovim ili ne?" (Smeh) "Dok šetate tunelom koji je ispod pruge, namirišete urin. Da li biste se mnogo zgadili ili ne uopšte"? Ako postavite dovoljno ovakvih pitanja, dobićete opšti ukupni rezultat osetljivosti na gađenje. Ispostavlja se da je, u stvari, ovaj rezultat značajan. Ako pozovete ljude u laboratoriju i upitate ih da li su voljni da se upuste u bezbedne ali odvratne radnje kao što je jedenje čokolade koja je ispečena da izgleda kao kaka, ili u ovom slučaju crva brašnara, koji su savršeno zdravi ali prilično odvratni, vaš rezultat na toj skali u stvari predviđa da li ste
The first time that we set out to collect data on this and associate it with political or moral beliefs, we found a general pattern -- this is with the psychologists Yoel Inbar and Paul Bloom -- that in fact, across three studies we kept finding that people who reported that they were easily disgusted also reported that they were more politically conservative. Another way to say this, though, is that people who are very liberal are very hard to disgust. (Laughter)
voljni ili ne da se upustite u takvo ponašanje. Prvi put kad smo se zaputili da sakupljamo podatke i da ih povezujemo sa političkim ili moralnim uverenjima, našli smo opštu šemu - zajedno sa psiholozima Joelom Inbarom i Polom Blumom - da smo u stvari, kroz tri studije nalazili da ljudi koji se lakše zgade su takođe konzervativniji u politici. Drugi način da se ovo kaže jeste da je ljude
In a more recent follow-up study, we were able to look at a much greater sample, a much larger sample. In this case, this is nearly 30,000 U.S. respondents, and we find the same pattern. As you can see, people who are on the very conservative side of answering the political orientation scale are also much more likely to report that they're easily disgusted. This data set also allowed us to statistically control for a number of things that we knew were both related to political orientation and to disgust sensitivity. So we were able to control for gender, age, income, education, even basic personality variables, and the result stays the same.
koji su veoma liberalni jako teško zgaditi. (Smeh) U novijoj studiji koja je usledila, imali smo uvid u mnogo bolji i veći uzorak. U ovom slučaju ovo je skoro 30 000 ispitanika iz SAD, i našli smo istu šemu. Kao što možete da vidite, ljude koji su na konzervativnoj strani odgovora na skali političke orijentacije je takođe mnogo lakše zgaditi. Ovaj skup podataka nam je omogućio da statistčki kontrolišemo nekoliko stvari za koje smo znali da su povezane sa političkom orijentacijom i sa osetljivošću na gađenje. Tako da smo imali kontrolu za pol, godište, primanja, obrazovanje, čak i osnovne varijable ličnosti,
When we actually looked at not just self-reported political orientation, but voting behavior, we were able to look geographically across the nation. What we found was that in regions in which people reported high levels of disgust sensitivity, McCain got more votes. So it not only predicted self-reported political orientation, but actual voting behavior. And also we were able, with this sample, to look across the world, in 121 different countries we asked the same questions, and as you can see, this is 121 countries collapsed into 10 different geographical regions. No matter where you look, what this is plotting is the size of the relationship between disgust sensitivity and political orientation, and no matter where we looked, we saw a very similar effect. Other labs have actually looked at this as well using different measures of disgust sensitivity, so rather than asking people how easily disgusted they are, they hook people up to physiological measures, in this case skin conductance. And what they've demonstrated is that people who report being more politically conservative are also more physiologically aroused when you show them disgusting images like the ones that I showed you. Interestingly, what they also showed in a finding that we kept getting in our previous studies as well was that one of the strongest influences here is that individuals who are very disgust-sensitive not only are more likely to report being politically conservative, but they're also very much more opposed to gay marriage and homosexuality and pretty much a lot of the socio-moral issues in the sexual domain. So physiological arousal predicted, in this study, attitudes toward gay marriage.
i rezultat ostaje isti. Kad smo zapravo ispitivali ne samo ono što su lično rekli za političku orijentaciju, već i rezultate glasanja, mogli smo pogledamo geografski na naciju. Našli smo da u regijama gde ljudi imaju visok nivo gadljivosti, MekKejn je dobio više glasova. Tako da nije samo do predviđene političke orijentacije, već stvarno glasačko ponašanje. I mogli smo sa ovim uzorkom, da ispitamo ceo svet, u 121 zemlji postavili smo ista pitanja, i kao što možete da vidite, 121 zemlja je spala na 10 geografskih regija. Gde god da pogledate, ovo što na karti pokazuje je značaj veze između gađenja i političke orijentacije, i gde god smo istraživali, videli smo sličan ishod. Druge laboratorije su takođe ovo ispitivale koristeći različita merenja za gadljivost, pa umesto da ispituju ljude koliko im se nešto gadi, vezali su se za fiziološka merenja ljudi, u ovom slučaju na provodljivost kože. I oni su prikazali da ljudi koji su politički konzervativniji se više fiziološki potresu kad im se pokažu odvratne slike kao one koje sam vam ja pokazao. Zanimljivo je da su istraživanja pokazala, a to smo nalazili i u prethodnim studijama takođe da je jedan od najjačih uticaja da pojedinci koje je lako zgaditi nisu samo politički konzervativni, već se više protive gej brakovima i homoseksualnosti i mnogim društveno-moralnim pitanjima iz sekualne oblasti. Tako da je fiziološka reakcija, u ovoj studiji,
But even with all these data linking disgust sensitivity and political orientation, one of the questions that remains is what is the causal link here? Is it the case that disgust really is shaping political and moral beliefs? We have to resort to experimental methods to answer this, and so what we can do is actually bring people into the lab and disgust them and compare them to a control group that hasn't been disgusted. It turns out that over the past five years a number of researchers have done this, and by and large the results have all been the same, that when people are feeling disgust, their attitudes shift towards the right of the political spectrum, toward more moral conservatism as well. So this is whether you use a foul odor, a bad taste, from film clips, from post-hypnotic suggestions of disgust, images like the ones I've shown you, even just reminding people that disease is prevalent and they should be wary of it and wash up, right, to keep clean, these all have similar effects on judgment.
predvidela stav prema gej braku. Ali sa svim ovim podacima koji povezuju gadljivost i političko opredeljenje, jedno od pitanja koja ostaju jeste šta je posledična veza? Da li je slučaj da gadljivost oblikuje politička i moralna opredeljenja? Moraju da se koriste ekperimentalne metode da se odgovori na ovo, i ono što zapravo možemo da uradimo je da dovedemo ljude u laboratoriju i da ih zgadimo i uporedimo sa kontrolnom grupom koja nije bila zgađena. Ispada da je tokom poslednjih pet godina nekoliko istraživača ovo učinilo, i uopšte uzev, rezultati su bili isti, a to je da ljudi koji se zgade, njihovo ponašanje ide ka desnoj strani političkog spektra, takođe ka moralnijem konzervativizmu. Ovo je u zavisnosti da li koristite smrad, loš ukus, filmske isečke, posthipnotičke sugestije gađenja, slika kao što su one koje sam vam pokazao, čak i podsećanje ljudi da zaraze preovlađuju i da treba da budu oprezni i da se peru, da budu čisti,
Let me just give you an example from a recent study that we conducted. We asked participants to just simply give us their opinion of a variety of social groups, and we either made the room smell gross or not. When the room smelled gross, what we saw was that individuals actually reported more negative attitudes toward gay men. Disgust didn't influence attitudes toward all the other social groups that we asked, including African-Americans, the elderly. It really came down to the attitudes they had toward gay men. In another set of studies we actually simply reminded people -- this was at a time when the swine flu was going around -- we reminded people that in order to prevent the spread of the flu that they ought to wash their hands. For some participants, we actually had them take questionnaires next to a sign that reminded them to wash their hands. And what we found was that just taking a questionnaire next to this hand-sanitizing reminder made individuals report being more politically conservative. And when we asked them a variety of questions about the rightness or wrongness of certain acts, what we also found was that simply being reminded that they ought to wash their hands made them more morally conservative. In particular, when we asked them questions about sort of taboo but fairly harmless sexual practices, just being reminded that they ought to wash their hands made them think that they were more morally wrong. Let me give you an example of what I mean by harmless but taboo sexual practice. We gave them scenarios. One of them said a man is house-sitting for his grandmother. When his grandmother's away, he has sex with his girlfriend on his grandma's bed. In another one, we said a woman enjoys masturbating with her favorite teddy bear cuddled next to her. (Laughter) People find these to be more morally abhorrent if they've been reminded to wash their hands. (Laughter) (Laughter)
sve ovo ima isti uticaj na rasuđivanje. Daću vam primer iz nedavne studije koju smo sproveli. Upitali smo učesnike da nam jednostavno daju svoje mišljenje o raznim društvenim grupama, a soba bi smrdela ili ne. Kad je soba smrdela, ono što smo videli su pojedinci koju su zapravo imali negativniji stav prema gej muškarcima. Gađenje nije uticalo na stavove prema drugim društvenim grupama, uključujući Afro-Amerikance, stare ljude. U stvari se svelo na stav koji imaju prema gej muškarcima. U drugom skupu istraživanja samo smo podsetili ljude - ovo je bilo u vreme svinjskog gripa - podsetili smo ljude da za sprečavanje širenja gripa treba da operu ruke. Neke učesnike smo naterali da rade upitnik do znaka koji ih je podsećao da operu ruke I rezultat je bio da samo zato što su radili upitnik do podsetnika za pranje ruku je učinilo da pojedinci izjave da su politički konzervativniji. I kad smo ih pitali niz pitanja o ispravnosti i netačnosti nekih stvari, ono što smo takođe našli je da ako se jednostavno podsete da peru svoje ruke, da ih to čini moralno konzervativnijim. Posebno kad smo ih upitali neka tabu ali vrlo bezazlena pitanja o seksualnim navikama, samo podsećanje na to da treba da operu ruke učinilo je da misle da više moralno greše. Daću vam primer na šta mislim kad kažem bezazlene ali tabu seksualne navike. Dali smo im scenarije. Jedan od njih je da čovek čuva svoju baku. Kada njegova baka nije kod kuće, on spava sa svojom devojkom na bakinom krevetu. U drugom smo napisali da žena uživa u masturbaciji sa omiljenim plišanim mecom zagrljenim pored nje. (Smeh) Ljudima su ovakve stvari više moralno odvratne ako ih podsete da operu ruke. (Smeh)
Okay. The fact that emotions influence our judgment should come as no surprise. I mean, that's part of how emotions work. They not only motivate you to behave in certain ways, but they change the way you think. In the case of disgust, what is a little bit more surprising is the scope of this influence. It makes perfect sense, and it's a very good emotion for us to have, that disgust would make me change the way that I perceive the physical world whenever contamination is possible. It makes less sense that an emotion that was built to prevent me from ingesting poison should predict who I'm going to vote for in the upcoming presidential election.
(Smeh) Ok. Činjenica da emocije utiču na naše rasuđivanje ne treba da iznenadi. Hoću reći, to je jedan od načina na koji emocije rade. One ne samo da motivišu da se ponašaš na određeni način, nego i promene način na koji razmišljaš. U slučaju gađenja, ono što je još iznenađujuće je obim njenog uticaja. Sve se lepo uklapa, i jako je dobra emocija, jer će me gađenje naterati da promenim način na koji opažam fizički svet kad god ima mogućnosti zagađenja. Ima manje smisla da emocija, koja je izgrađena da me spreči da uzmem otrov, predvidi
The question of whether disgust ought to influence our moral and political judgments certainly has to be complex, and might depend on exactly what judgments we're talking about, and as a scientist, we have to conclude sometimes that the scientific method is just ill-equipped to answer these sorts of questions. But one thing that I am fairly certain about is, at the very least, what we can do with this research is point to what questions we ought to ask in the first place. Thank you. (Applause)
za koga ću da glasam na predstojećim predsedničkim izborima. Pitanje da li će ili ne gadljivost da utiče na moralna ili politička opredeljenja sigurno treba da bude složeno, i može da zavisi tačno o kojoj osudi se razgovara, i kao naučnici nekad moramo da zaključimo da je naučni metod još uvek loše opremljen da odgovori na ove vrste pitanja. Ali ono što mislim da je sasvim sigurno u vezi sa naučnim metodama je da bar, ono što možemo da uradimo sa ovim istraživanjem jeste da se ukaže na pitanja koja treba najpre da postavimo.