I'm going to speak to you about the global refugee crisis and my aim is to show you that this crisis is manageable, not unsolvable, but also show you that this is as much about us and who we are as it is a trial of the refugees on the front line.
Pričaću vam o svetskoj izbegličkoj krizi i moj cilj je da vam pokažem da je ova kriza rešiva, ne nemoguća, ali i da vam pokažem da se ovo mnogo više tiče nas i toga ko smo, koliko je to pitanje izbeglica koje su u prvim linijama borbe.
For me, this is not just a professional obligation, because I run an NGO supporting refugees and displaced people around the world. It's personal.
Za mene ovo nije samo profesionalna obaveza, pošto vodim NVO koja podržava izbeglice i raseljene ljude širom sveta. To je lično.
I love this picture. That really handsome guy on the right, that's not me. That's my dad, Ralph, in London, in 1940 with his father Samuel. They were Jewish refugees from Belgium. They fled the day the Nazis invaded. And I love this picture, too. It's a group of refugee children arriving in England in 1946 from Poland. And in the middle is my mother, Marion. She was sent to start a new life in a new country on her own at the age of 12. I know this: if Britain had not admitted refugees in the 1940s, I certainly would not be here today.
Volim ovu sliku. Taj zgodni momak desno, to nisam ja. To je moj tata, Ralf, u Londonu, godine 1940, sa svojim ocem Semjuelom. Bili su Jevreji izbeglice iz Belgije. Pobegli su na dan nacističke invazije. Volim i ovu sliku. To je grupa dece izbeglica koja dolaze u Englesku iz Poljske godine 1946. U sredini je moja majka, Merion. Poslali su je u novi život u novoj zemlji samu, sa 12 godina. Znam ovo: da Britanija nije primala izbeglice 1940-ih, ja svakako ne bih bio ovde danas.
Yet 70 years on, the wheel has come full circle. The sound is of walls being built, vengeful political rhetoric, humanitarian values and principles on fire in the very countries that 70 years ago said never again to statelessness and hopelessness for the victims of war. Last year, every minute, 24 more people were displaced from their homes by conflict, violence and persecution: another chemical weapon attack in Syria, the Taliban on the rampage in Afghanistan, girls driven from their school in northeast Nigeria by Boko Haram. These are not people moving to another country to get a better life. They're fleeing for their lives.
Ipak, nakon 70 godina, obišli smo pun krug. Priča se o zidovima koji se grade, politička retorika je osvetoljubiva, humanitarne vrednosti i principi nestaju u istim zemljama koje su pre 70 godina rekle "nikad više" bespomičnosti i beznađu koje snalazi žrtve rata. Prošle godine, svakog minuta, 24 ljudi je iseljeno iz svojih domova zbog konflikta, nasilja i progona: još jedan hemijski napad u Siriji, Talibani u naletu u Avganistanu, devojčice koje u severoistoku Nigerije Boko Haram tera iz škole. Ovo nisu ljudi koji se sele u drugu državu radi boljeg života. Oni beže da spasu žive glave.
It's a real tragedy that the world's most famous refugee can't come to speak to you here today. Many of you will know this picture. It shows the lifeless body of five-year-old Alan Kurdi, a Syrian refugee who died in the Mediterranean in 2015. He died alongside 3,700 others trying to get to Europe. The next year, 2016, 5,000 people died. It's too late for them, but it's not too late for millions of others.
Prava je tragedija što najpoznatiji izbeglica na svetu danas ne može da dođe da priča pred vama. Mnogi među vama znaju ovu sliku. Ona prikazuje beživotno telo petogodišnjeg Alana Kurdija, sirijske izbeglice, koji je poginuo na Mediteranu 2015. Poginuo je sa 3700 drugih u pokušaju da dođu do Evrope. Naredne godine, 2016, poginulo je 5000 ljudi. Za njih je prekasno, ali nije prekasno za milione drugih.
It's not too late for people like Frederick. I met him in the Nyarugusu refugee camp in Tanzania. He's from Burundi. He wanted to know where could he complete his studies. He'd done 11 years of schooling. He wanted a 12th year. He said to me, "I pray that my days do not end here in this refugee camp."
Nije prekasno za ljude poput Frederika. Upoznao sam ga u kampu za izbeglice Njaragusu u Tanzaniji. On je iz Burundija. Želeo je da zna gde bi mogao da završi svoje školovanje. Školovao se 11 godina. Želeo je i 12. godinu. Rekao mi je: "Molim se da se moji dani ne završe ovde u ovom kampu za izbeglice.
And it's not too late for Halud. Her parents were Palestinian refugees living in the Yarmouk refugee camp outside Damascus. She was born to refugee parents, and now she's a refugee herself in Lebanon. She's working for the International Rescue Committee to help other refugees, but she has no certainty at all about her future, where it is or what it holds.
Za Halud nije prekasno. Njeni roditelji bili su palestinske izbeglice koje su živele u kampu za izbeglice Jarmuk, nadomak Damaska. Roditelji su joj izbeglice, i sada je i ona sama izbeglica u Libanu. Radi za Međunarodni komitet za izbeglice kako bi spasila još njih, ali uopšte nije sigurna za svoju budućnost, gde je ona i šta se u njoj nalazi.
This talk is about Frederick, about Halud and about millions like them: why they're displaced, how they survive, what help they need and what our responsibilities are. I truly believe this, that the biggest question in the 21st century concerns our duty to strangers. The future "you" is about your duties to strangers. You know better than anyone, the world is more connected than ever before, yet the great danger is that we're consumed by our divisions. And there is no better test of that than how we treat refugees.
Ovaj govor tiče se Frederika, Halud i miliona onih poput njih: zašto su raseljeni, kako preživljavaju, kakva im pomoć treba i šta je naša odgovornost. Iskreno verujem da se najveće pitanje 21. veka tiče naših dužnosti prema neznancima. Budući "vi" ima veze sa vašim dužnostima prema neznancima. Vi znate bolje od ikoga da je svet povezaniji nego ikada pre ali da je velika opasnost da nas proždiru naše podele. A ne postoji bolji dokaz za to od toga kako se ophodimo prema izbeglicama.
Here are the facts: 65 million people displaced from their homes by violence and persecution last year. If it was a country, that would be the 21st largest country in the world. Most of those people, about 40 million, stay within their own home country, but 25 million are refugees. That means they cross a border into a neighboring state. Most of them are living in poor countries, relatively poor or lower-middle-income countries, like Lebanon, where Halud is living. In Lebanon, one in four people is a refugee, a quarter of the whole population.
Evo činjenica: 65 miliona ljudi raseljeno iz svojih domova prošle godine zbog nasilja i krivičnog gonjenja. Da je to jedna zemlja, bila bi 21. po veličini u svetu. Većina ovih ljudi, oko 40 miliona njih, ostaje unutar sopstvene zemlje, ali 25 miliona su izbeglice. To znači da prelaze granicu u susednu državu. Većina njih živi u siromašnim državama, relativno siromašnim ili sa niskim prihodom, poput Libana, gde živi Halud. U Libanu, svaka četvrta osoba je izbeglica, što je 25% populacije.
And refugees stay for a long time. The average length of displacement is 10 years. I went to what was the world's largest refugee camp, in eastern Kenya. It's called Dadaab. It was built in 1991-92 as a "temporary camp" for Somalis fleeing the civil war. I met Silo. And naïvely I said to Silo, "Do you think you'll ever go home to Somalia?" And she said, "What do you mean, go home? I was born here." And then when I asked the camp management how many of the 330,000 people in that camp were born there, they gave me the answer: 100,000. That's what long-term displacement means.
Izbeglice ostaju tu dugo. Prosečno vreme raseljenja je 10 godina. Otišao sam u tad najveći kamp za izbeglice u istočnoj Keniji. Zvao se Dadab. Sagrađen je 1991-92. kao privremeni kamp za Somalijce koji su bežali od građanskog rata. Upoznao sam Silo. Naivno sam je upitao: "Misliš li da ćeš se ikad vratiti kući u Somaliju?" A ona je rekla: "Kako misliš kući? Ja sam rođena ovde." A onda kada sam pitao upravu kampa koji deo od 330 000 ljudi u kampu je tamo i rođen, dali su mi odgovor: 100 000. To je dugotrajno raseljenje.
Now, the causes of this are deep: weak states that can't support their own people, an international political system weaker than at any time since 1945 and differences over theology, governance, engagement with the outside world in significant parts of the Muslim world. Now, those are long-term, generational challenges. That's why I say that this refugee crisis is a trend and not a blip. And it's complex, and when you have big, large, long-term, complex problems, people think nothing can be done.
Uzroci ovoga su duboki: slabe države koje ne mogu da podrže sopstveni narod, međunarodni politički sistem slabiji nego ikad od 1945, kao i razlike u veri, vladavini, vezi sa spoljašnjim svetom u značajnim delovima muslimanskog sveta. To su dugotrajni, generacijski izazovi. Zato kažem da je izbeglička kriza trend, a ne kratkotrajna pojava. Kompleksno je, a kada imate velike, dugotrajne, kompleksne probleme, ljudi misle da ne može da se učini ništa.
When Pope Francis went to Lampedusa, off the coast of Italy, in 2014, he accused all of us and the global population of what he called "the globalization of indifference." It's a haunting phrase. It means that our hearts have turned to stone. Now, I don't know, you tell me. Are you allowed to argue with the Pope, even at a TED conference? But I think it's not right. I think people do want to make a difference, but they just don't know whether there are any solutions to this crisis. And what I want to tell you today is that though the problems are real, the solutions are real, too.
Kada je Papa Franja otišao u Lampeduzu, na obali Italije, 2014, sve nas i svestku populaciju optužio je za ono što on naziva "globalizacijom indiferentnosti". To je izraz koji proganja. Znači da su se naša srca pretvorila u kamen. Ne znam, recite vi meni. Da li možete da se raspravljate sa papom, čak i na TED konferenciji? Ali mislim da nije istina. Mislim da ljudi zaista žele da naprave razliku, ali prosto ne znaju da li postoje neka rešenja za ovu krizu. Danas želim da vam kažem da iako su problemi stvarni, i rešenja su stvarna.
Solution one: these refugees need to get into work in the countries where they're living, and the countries where they're living need massive economic support. In Uganda in 2014, they did a study: 80 percent of refugees in the capital city Kampala needed no humanitarian aid because they were working. They were supported into work.
Rešenje jedan: ove izbeglice moraju naći posao u zemljama gde žive a zemljama gde oni žive potrebna je ogromna ekonomska pomoć. U Ugandi su 2014. izveli istraživanje: 80% izbeglica u glavnom gradu Kampali nije bila potrebna humanitarna pomoć jer su već radili. Data im je podrška u vidu posla.
Solution number two: education for kids is a lifeline, not a luxury, when you're displaced for so long. Kids can bounce back when they're given the proper social, emotional support alongside literacy and numeracy. I've seen it for myself. But half of the world's refugee children of primary school age get no education at all, and three-quarters of secondary school age get no education at all. That's crazy.
Rešenje broj dva: obrazovanje za decu je neophodnost a ne luksuz, kada ste raseljeni tako dugo. Deca mogu da se povrate kada im je data prava socijalna i emotivna podrška pored jezičke i matematičke pismenosti. Sam sam to video. Ali pola dece izbeglica širom sveta u dobu osnovne škole nema nikakvo obrazovanje, a tri četvrtine dece u dobi srednje škole ne dobija nikakvo obrazovanje. To je ludo.
Solution number three: most refugees are in urban areas, in cities, not in camps. What would you or I want if we were a refugee in a city? We would want money to pay rent or buy clothes. That is the future of the humanitarian system, or a significant part of it: give people cash so that you boost the power of refugees and you'll help the local economy.
Rešenje broj tri: većina izbeglica je u urbanim sredinama, u gradovima, ne u kampovima. Šta biste vi ili ja želeli da smo izbeglica u gradu? Želeli bismo novac da platimo kiriju ili kupimo odeću. To je budućnost humanitarnog sistema, ili značajan deo njega: dajte ljudima novac tako da pojačate moć izbeglica i pomoći ćete lokalnoj ekonomiji.
And there's a fourth solution, too, that's controversial but needs to be talked about. The most vulnerable refugees need to be given a new start and a new life in a new country, including in the West. The numbers are relatively small, hundreds of thousands, not millions, but the symbolism is huge. Now is not the time to be banning refugees, as the Trump administration proposes. It's a time to be embracing people who are victims of terror. And remember --
Postoji i četvrto rešenje, koje je kontroverzno ali se o njemu mora pričati. Najranjivijim izbeglicama mora se pružiti novi početak i novi život u novoj državi, uključujući i Zapad. Brojevi su relativno mali, stotine hiljada, ne milioni, ali simbolizam je ogroman. Sada nije vreme da branimo pristup izbeglicama, kao što predlaže Trampova administracija. Vreme je da prihvatimo ljude koji su žrtve terora. I setite se -
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Remember, anyone who asks you, "Are they properly vetted?" that's a really sensible and good question to ask. The truth is, refugees arriving for resettlement are more vetted than any other population arriving in our countries. So while it's reasonable to ask the question, it's not reasonable to say that refugee is another word for terrorist.
Setite se, kada vas neko pita: "Da li su dobro provereni?", to je zapravo prilično logično i dobro pitanje. Istina je da se izbeglice koje dolaze da bi se naselile provervaju više od bilo koje populacije koja dolazi u naše zemlje. Iako je razumno postaviti to pitanje, nije razumno reći da je "izbeglica" drugi naziv za teroristu.
Now, what happens --
Dešava se sledeće -
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What happens when refugees can't get work, they can't get their kids into school, they can't get cash, they can't get a legal route to hope? What happens is they take risky journeys. I went to Lesbos, this beautiful Greek island, two years ago. It's a home to 90,000 people. In one year, 500,000 refugees went across the island. And I want to show you what I saw when I drove across to the north of the island: a pile of life jackets of those who had made it to shore. And when I looked closer, there were small life jackets for children, yellow ones. And I took this picture. You probably can't see the writing, but I want to read it for you. "Warning: will not protect against drowning." So in the 21st century, children are being given life jackets to reach safety in Europe even though those jackets will not save their lives if they fall out of the boat that is taking them there.
Kada izbeglice ne mogu da nađu posao, ne mogu da školuju svoju decu, ne mogu da dođu do novca, nemaju legalan put do nade. Onda idu na riskantna putovanja. Pre dve godine otišao sam na Lezbos, divno grčko ostrvo. Tamo živi 90 000 ljudi. U jednoj godini, 500 000 izbeglica prešlo je preko ostrva. Želim da vam pokažem šta sam video kada sam se odvezao do severa ostrva: hrpu pojaseva za spasavanje onih koji su dospeli do obale. Kada sam pogledao bliže, bilo je malih pojaseva za decu, žute boje. Ovo sam fotografisao. Verovatno ne vidite natpis, ali pročitaću ga za vas. "Upozorenje: neće vas zaštititi od davljenja." U 21. veku, deci se daju pojasevi za spasavanje da bi došli na bezbedno u Evropu iako im ti pojasevi neće spasiti život ako ispadnu iz čamca koji ih do tamo vodi.
This is not just a crisis, it's a test. It's a test that civilizations have faced down the ages. It's a test of our humanity. It's a test of us in the Western world of who we are and what we stand for. It's a test of our character, not just our policies. And refugees are a hard case. They do come from faraway parts of the world. They have been through trauma. They're often of a different religion. Those are precisely the reasons we should be helping refugees, not a reason not to help them. And it's a reason to help them because of what it says about us. It's revealing of our values. Empathy and altruism are two of the foundations of civilization. Turn that empathy and altruism into action and we live out a basic moral credo.
Ovo nije samo kriza, već i test. To je test koji su civilizacije imale pred sobom vekovima. To je test naše humanosti. To je test nas u zapadnom svetu, toga ko smo i za šta se zalažemo. To je test našeg karaktera, a ne samo naše politike. A izbeglice su težak slučaj. Dolaze iz dalekih delova sveta. Prošli su kroz traume. Često su druge vere. Upravo to su razlozi zašto da pomažemo izbeglicama, ne zašto da im ne pomažemo. To je razlog da im pomognemo jer to govori nešto o nama. Otkriva naše vrednosti. Empatija i altruizam su dva temelja civilizacije. Pretvorite tu empatiju i altruizam u delanje i živećemo svoj osnovni moralni kredo.
And in the modern world, we have no excuse. We can't say we don't know what's happening in Juba, South Sudan, or Aleppo, Syria. It's there, in our smartphone in our hand. Ignorance is no excuse at all. Fail to help, and we show we have no moral compass at all.
U modernom svetu, nemamo izgovora. Ne možemo reći da ne znamo šta se dešava u Jubi, Južnom Sudanu, ili u Alepu u Siriji. To je tu, na našim telefonima, u našim rukama. Neznanje nije izgovor. Ako ne pomognemo, pokazaćemo da uopšte nemamo moralni kompas.
It's also revealing about whether we know our own history. The reason that refugees have rights around the world is because of extraordinary Western leadership by statesmen and women after the Second World War that became universal rights. Trash the protections of refugees, and we trash our own history. This is --
To takođe otkriva da li poznajemo sopstvenu istoriju. Razlog za to što izbeglice širom sveta imaju prava je zbog izvanrednog vođstva Zapada od strane vođa nakon Drugog svetskog rata koje je preraslo u univerzalna prava. Izbacite zaštitu izbeglica i poništavamo sopstvenu istoriju. Ovo -
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This is also revealing about the power of democracy as a refuge from dictatorship. How many politicians have you heard say, "We believe in the power of our example, not the example of our power." What they mean is what we stand for is more important than the bombs we drop. Refugees seeking sanctuary have seen the West as a source of hope and a place of haven. Russians, Iranians, Chinese, Eritreans, Cubans, they've come to the West for safety. We throw that away at our peril.
Ovo takođe otkriva moć demokratije kao bekstva od diktature. Od koliko ste političara čuli: "Verujemo u moć svog primera, ne primer moći." Oni zapravo misle da je ono što zastupamo bitnije od bombi koje bacamo. Izbeglice koje traže sklonište su videle Zapad kao izvor nade i mesto mira. Rusi, Iranci, Kinezi, Eritrejci, Kubanci, došli su na Zapad zbog bezbednosti. To odbacujemo na sopstvenu štetu.
And there's one other thing it reveals about us: whether we have any humility for our own mistakes. I'm not one of these people who believes that all the problems in the world are caused by the West. They're not. But when we make mistakes, we should recognize it. It's not an accident that the country which has taken more refugees than any other, the United States, has taken more refugees from Vietnam than any other country. It speaks to the history. But there's more recent history, in Iraq and Afghanistan. You can't make up for foreign policy errors by humanitarian action, but when you break something, you have a duty to try to help repair it, and that's our duty now.
Postoji još nešto što to otkriva o nama: da li imamo poniznosti za sopstvene greške. Nisam jedan od onih koji veruju da Zapad izaziva sve probleme na svetu. To nije istina. Ali kada grešimo, treba to da prepoznamo. Nije slučajnost da je država koja je primila više izbeglica od svih, Sjedinjene države, primila više izbeglica iz Vijetnama nego iz bilo koje druge države. To govori o istoriji. Ali ima i skorije istorije, u Iraku i Avganistanu. Ne možete nadoknaditi za greške u spoljašnjoj politici humanitarnim delima, ali kada nešto polomite, imate dužnost da pokušate da ga popravite, i to je naša dužnost trenutno.
Do you remember at the beginning of the talk, I said I wanted to explain that the refugee crisis was manageable, not insoluble? That's true. I want you to think in a new way, but I also want you to do things. If you're an employer, hire refugees. If you're persuaded by the arguments, take on the myths when family or friends or workmates repeat them. If you've got money, give it to charities that make a difference for refugees around the world. If you're a citizen, vote for politicians who will put into practice the solutions that I've talked about.
Sećate li se da sam na početku govora rekao da želim da objasnim da je izbeglička kriza rešiva, ne nepopravljiva? To je istina, želim da o tome mislite na nov način, ali želim i da radite stvari. Ukoliko imate firmu, zaposlite izbeglice. Ukoliko su vas ubedili argumenti, protivite se mitovima kada prijatelji, porodica ili kolege krenu da ih ponavljaju. Ako imate novca, dajte ga humanitarnim organizacijama koje pomažu izbeglice širom sveta. Ako ste građanin, glasajte za političare koji će sprovesti u delo rešenja o kojima smo pričali.
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The duty to strangers shows itself in small ways and big, prosaic and heroic. In 1942, my aunt and my grandmother were living in Brussels under German occupation. They received a summons from the Nazi authorities to go to Brussels Railway Station. My grandmother immediately thought something was amiss. She pleaded with her relatives not to go to Brussels Railway Station. Her relatives said to her, "If we don't go, if we don't do what we're told, then we're going to be in trouble." You can guess what happened to the relatives who went to Brussels Railway Station. They were never seen again. But my grandmother and my aunt, they went to a small village south of Brussels where they'd been on holiday in the decade before, and they presented themselves at the house of the local farmer, a Catholic farmer called Monsieur Maurice, and they asked him to take them in. And he did, and by the end of the war, 17 Jews, I was told, were living in that village.
Dužnost prema neznancima pokazuje se na male i velike načine, prozaične i herojske. Godine 1942, moja tetka i baka živele su u Briselu pod nemačkom okupacijom. Pozvali su ih iz nemačkih vlasti da odu u Brisel na železničku stanicu. Baka je odmah pomislila da nešto nije u redu. Molila je rodbinu da ne idu na železničku stanicu. Rođaci su joj rekli: "Ukoliko ne odemo, ne uradimo šta nam je rečeno, bićemo u nevolji." Možete pretpostaviti šta se desilo sa rođacima koji su otišli na železničku stanicu u Briselu. Nikad ih više nisu videli. Ali moja baka i tetka, otišle su u malo selo južno od Brisela gde su bile na odmoru deset godina pre toga i pojavile su se u kući lokalnog poljoprivrednika, katolika zvanog gospodin Moris, i pitale ga da ih primi. To je i uradio, i do kraja rata, rečeno mi je da je u tom selu živelo 17 Jevreja.
And when I was teenager, I asked my aunt, "Can you take me to meet Monsieur Maurice?" And she said, "Yeah, I can. He's still alive. Let's go and see him." And so, it must have been '83, '84, we went to see him. And I suppose, like only a teenager could, when I met him, he was this white-haired gentleman, I said to him, "Why did you do it? Why did you take that risk?" And he looked at me and he shrugged, and he said, in French, "On doit." "One must." It was innate in him. It was natural. And my point to you is it should be natural and innate in us, too. Tell yourself, this refugee crisis is manageable, not unsolvable, and each one of us has a personal responsibility to help make it so. Because this is about the rescue of us and our values as well as the rescue of refugees and their lives.
Kada sam bio tinejdžer, pitao sam tetku: "Hoćeš li me odvesti da upoznam gospodina Morisa?" Rekla je: "Da, mogu. Živ je još. Hajde da ga vidimo." Mora da je bila '83. ili '84. kada smo otišli da ga vidimo. Pretpostavljam, kao i svaki tinejdžer, kada sam ga upoznao, bio je to sedi gospodin, pitao sam ga: "Zašto si to uradio? Zašto si rizikovao? Pogledao me je i slegao ramenima i rekao, na francuskom: "On doit." "Morao sam." Bilo mu je urođeno. Bilo je prirodno. Poenta je da i za nas treba da bude urođeno i prirodno. Recite sebi, ova izgbeglička kriza je rešiva, ne nepopravljiva i svako od nas ima ličnu odgovornost da se to i desi. Jer se ovo tiče spašavanja nas i naših vrednosti kao i spašavanja izbeglica i njihovih života.
Thank you very much indeed.
Hvala vam.
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Bruno Giussani: David, thank you. David Miliband: Thank you.
Bruno Đuzani: Dejvide, hvala ti. Dejvid Milibend: Hvala ti.
BG: Those are strong suggestions and your call for individual responsibility is very strong as well, but I'm troubled by one thought, and it's this: you mentioned, and these are your words, "extraordinary Western leadership" which led 60-something years ago to the whole discussion about human rights, to the conventions on refugees, etc. etc. That leadership happened after a big trauma and happened in a consensual political space, and now we are in a divisive political space. Actually, refugees have become one of the divisive issues. So where will leadership come from today?
BĐ: To su jaki predlozi i tvoj poziv za pojedinačnu odgovornost takođe je snažan, ali muči me jedna misao: rekao si, tvojim rečima: "izvanredno vođstvo Zapada", koje je pre nekih 60 godina dovelo do cele diskusije o ljudskim pravima, konvenciji o izbeglicama, itd. To vođstvo dogodilo se nakon velike traume i desilo se u dobrovoljnom političkom prostoru, a sada smo u podeljenom političkom prostoru. Zapravo, izbeglice su postale jedan od problema koji razdvaja. Odakle će danas poteći vođstvo?
DM: Well, I think that you're right to say that the leadership forged in war has a different temper and a different tempo and a different outlook than leadership forged in peace. And so my answer would be the leadership has got to come from below, not from above. I mean, a recurring theme of the conference this week has been about the democratization of power. And we've got to preserve our own democracies, but we've got to also activate our own democracies. And when people say to me, "There's a backlash against refugees," what I say to them is, "No, there's a polarization, and at the moment, those who are fearful are making more noise than those who are proud." And so my answer to your question is that we will sponsor and encourage and give confidence to leadership when we mobilize ourselves. And I think that when you are in a position of looking for leadership, you have to look inside and mobilize in your own community to try to create conditions for a different kind of settlement.
DM: Mislim da imaš pravo kada kažeš da je vođstvo skovano u ratu bilo drugačijeg stava i tempa i sa drugim ishodima od vođstva u miru. Moj odgovor bi bio da vođstvo mora da potekne odozdo, ne odozgo. Tema koja se ponavlja na konferenciji ove nedelje je demokratizacija moći. Moramo da sačuvamo naše sopstvene demokratije, ali moramo i da ih aktiviramo. Kada mi ljudi kažu: "Postoji odbojnost prema izbeglicama", ja im kažem: "Ne, postoji polarizacija, i trenutno, oni koji se plaše prave više buke od onih koji se ponose." Moj odgovor na tvoje pitanje je da ćemo sponzorisati i ohrabriti i dati poverenje vođstvu kada se mobilišemo. Mislim da kada ste u poziciji gde tražite vođstvo, treba da pogledate ka unutra i mobilišete unutar svoje zajednice da pokušate da stvorite uslove za drugačiju vrstu naseljavanja.
BG: Thank you, David. Thanks for coming to TED.
BĐ: Hvala ti Dejvide. Hvala što si došao na TED.
(Applause)
(Aplauz)