Someone once said that politics is, of course, "showbiz for ugly people." So, on that basis, I feel like I've really arrived. The other thing to think of is what an honor it is, as a politician, to give a TED talk, particularly here in the U.K., where the reputation of politics, with the expenses scandal, has sunk so low.
Neko je jednom rekao, da je politika, u stvari, "šoubiznis za ružne ljude" Na osnovu toga, verujem da sam uspešan. Druga stvar o kojoj razmišljam jeste kakva mi je čast, kao političaru, da držim TED govor, posebno ovde u Velikoj Britaniji, gde je ugled politike, zahvaljujući skandalima, pao veoma nisko.
There was even a story recently that scientists had thought about actually replacing rats in their experiments with politicians. And someone asked,"Why?" and they said, "Well, there's no shortage of politicians, no one really minds what happens to them and, after all, there are some things that rats just won't do." (Laughter)
Postoji čak i priča, koju su nedavno osmislili naučnici u kojoj, u svojim eksperimentima, pacove zamenjuju političarima. Neko je upitao, "Zašto?" a oni su odgovorili, "Pa, nema nestašice političara, niko ne misli o tome šta će se desiti sa njima i na kraju krajeva, postoje neke stvari koje pacovi ne žele da urade". (Smeh)
Now, I know you all love data, so I'm starting with a data-rich slide. This, I think, is the most important fact to bear in mind in British politics or American politics, and that is: We have run out of money. We have vast budget deficits. This is my global public debt clock, and, as you can see, it's 32 trillion and counting.
Znam da svi volite podatke, zato počinjem sa slajdom bogatim podacima Ovo je, mislim, najvažnija činjenica koju treba da zapamtite o britanskoj i američkoj politici, a to je: ponestalo nam je novca. Imamo ogroman budžetski deficit. Ovo je moj globalni sat javnog duga i, kao što možete videti, iznosi 32 biliona i i dalje broji.
And I think what this leads to is a very simple recognition, that there's one question in politics at the moment above all other, and it's this one: How do we make things better without spending more money? Because there isn't going to be a lot of money to improve public services, or to improve government, or to improve so many of the things that politicians talk about. So what follows from that is that if you think it's all about money -- you can only measure success in public services in health care and education and policing by spending more money, you can only measure progress by spending money -- you're going to have a pretty miserable time.
Mislim da ovo vodi do jednog veoma jednostavnog priznanja da u ovom momentu, u politici, postoji jedno pitanje pre svih a to je sledeće: kako da poboljšamo stvari, a da ne trošimo više novca? Zato što neće biti mnogo novca za unapređenje javnih službi ili za unapređenje vlade ili mnogo stvari o kojima političari pričaju. Ono što sledi iz svega ovoga je da, ako mislite da je sve u novcu - uspeh možete da merite samo u javnim sektorima u zdravstvu i obrazovanju i policiji, trošeći još više novca, možete da merite napredak jedino trošenjem novca - neće vam biti lepo.
But if you think a whole lot of other things matter that lead up to well being -- things like your family relationships, friendship, community, values -- then, actually, this is an incredibly exciting time to be in politics. And the really simple argument I want to make tonight, the really straightforward argument is this: That if we combine the right political philosophy, the right political thinking, with the incredible information revolution that has taken place, and that all of you know so much more about than I do, I think there's an incredible opportunity to actually remake politics, remake government, remake public services, and achieve what's up on that slide, which is a big increase in our well-being. That's the argument I want to make tonight.
Međutim, ako mislite da su mnoge druge stvari koje vode do dobrobiti važnije - stvari poput odnosa u porodici, prijateljstva, zajednice, vrednosti - onda je u stvari, ovo izuzetno uzbudljivo vreme za bavljenje politikom. Večeras želim da iznesem jedan veoma jednostavan i vrlo jasan argument, a on je sledeći: ako spojimo pravu političku filozofiju, pravo političko razmišljanje, sa neverovatnom revolucijom informacija, koja se dešava, a vi o tome znate mnogo više nego ja, verujem da postoji neverovatna mogućnost za stvarno obnavljanje politike obnavljanje vlade, javnih sektora, i postzanje onoga što je na slajdu, ogromnog porasta dobrobiti. To je argument koji želim da iznesem večeras.
So, starting with the political philosophy. Now I'm not saying for a minute that British Conservatives have all the answers. Of course we don't. But there are two things at heart that I think drive a conservative philosophy that are really relevant to this whole debate. The first is this: We believe that if you give people more power and control over their lives, if you give people more choice, if you put them in the driving seat, then actually, you can create a stronger and better society. And if you marry this fact with the incredible abundance of information that we have in our world today, I think you can completely, as I've said, remake politics, remake government, remake your public services.
Da počnemo od političke filozofije. Ne tvrdim da britanski konzervativci imaju odgovore na sva pitanja. Naravno da nemamo. Međutim, postoje dve suštinske stvari koje pokreću filozofiju konzervativizma i one su veoma važne za ovu debatu. Prva je sledeća: mi verujemo, da ako date ljudima više moći i kontrole nad njihovim životima, ako date ljudima više izbora, ako im date da upravljaju, onda možete da stvorite jače i bolje društvo. I ako se vežete za ovu činjenicu, sa neverovatnim bogatstvom informacija koje posedujemo u današnjem svetu, verujem da možete, u potpunosti, kao što rekoh, da obnovite politiku, vladu, vaše javne sektore.
The second thing we believe is we believe in going with the grain of human nature. Politics and politicians will only succeed if they actually try and treat with people as they are, rather than as they would like them to be. Now, if you combine this very simple, very conservative thought -- go with the grain of human nature -- with all the advances in behavioral economics, some of which we were just hearing about, again, I think we can achieve a real increase in well-being, in happiness, in a stronger society without necessarily having to spend a whole lot more money.
Druga stvar u koju verujemo je razumevanje suštine ljudske prirode. Politika i političari će jedino uspeti ako se zaista potrude da prihvate ljude onakvim kakvi jesu pre nego kakvi bi želeli da budu. Ako povežete ovu veoma jednostavnu, veoma konzervativnu misao - razumevanje suštine ljudske prirode - sa svim dostignućima u bihejvioralnoj ekonomiji, o nekima smo tek sad saznali, opet, verujem da možemo postići značajan porast dobrobiti, sreće, u jačem društvu, bez bespotrebnog trošenja velike količine novca.
Now, why do I think now is the moment to make this argument? Well, I'm afraid you're going to suffer a short, condensed history lesson about what I would say are the three passages of history: the pre-bureaucratic age, the bureaucratic age and what we now live in, which I think is a post-bureaucratic age. A simpler way of thinking of it is that we have gone from a world of local control, then we went to a world of central control, and now we're in a world of people control. Local power, central power, now, people power.
Zašto smatram da je sada pravo vreme za ovu raspravu? Pa, bojim se da ćete iskusiti jednu kratku, sažetu lekciju iz istorije o kojoj bih rekao da sadrži tri odlomka iz istorije: vreme pre birokratije, vreme birokratije i vreme u kojem živimo, za koje verujem da je vreme posle birokratije. Jednostavniji način za razmišljanje o tome je da smo izašli iz vremena lokalne kontrole pa smo ušli u svet centralne kontrole i sada se nalazimo u vremenu ljudske kontrole. Lokalna moć, centralna moć i sada, moć ljudi.
Now, here is King Cnut, king a thousand years ago. Thought he could turn back the waves; couldn't turn back the waves. Couldn't actually turn back very much, because if you were king a thousand years ago, while it still took hours and hours and weeks and weeks to traverse your own country, there wasn't much you were in charge of. You weren't in charge of policing, justice, education, health, welfare. You could just about go to war and that was about it. This was the pre-bureaucratic age, an age in which everything had to be local. You had to have local control because there was no nationally-available information because travel was so restricted. So this was the pre-bureaucratic age.
Ovo je kralj Kanut, koji je vladao pre 1000 godina. Verovao je da može da odbije talase; nije mogao da ih odbije. U suštini nije mogao mnogo toga da odbije, jer, ako ste bili kralj pre 1000 godina, kada su bili potrebni sati i sati, nedelje da se proputuje svoja zemlja, niste mogli mnogo toga da kontrolišete - policiju, pravosuđe, obrazovanje, zdravstvo, blagostanje. Mogli ste samo da idete u rat i to bi bilo to. Ovo je bilo doba pre birokratije, vreme kada je sve moralo biti lokalno. Morali ste imati lokalnu upravu, nije bilo informacija dostupnih nacionalno zato što je putovanje bilo ograničeno. Ovo je bilo doba pre birokratije.
Next part of the cold history lesson, the lovely picture of the British Industrial Revolution. Suddenly, all sorts of transport, travel information were possible, and this gave birth to, what I like to call, the bureaucratic age. And hopefully this slide is going to morph beautifully. There we are. Suddenly, you have the big, strong, central state. It was able -- but only it was able -- to organize health care, education, policing, justice. And it was a world of, as I say, not local power, but now central power. It had sucked all that power up from the localities. It was able to do that itself.
Sledeći deo hladne lekcije iz istorije, divna slika britanske industrijske revolucije. Iznenada, sve vrste transporta, informacije o putovanju, su bile moguće, i ovo je dovelo do, kako ja volim da nazovem, doba birokratije. Nadam se da će se lepo uklopiti sledeći slajd. Evo nas. Iznenada, imamo veliku, jaku, centralističku državu. Bilo je moguće - ali samo moguće - organizovati zdravstvo, obrazovanje, policiju i pravosuđe. I to je bio svet, kako ja kažem, ne lokalne, već sada centralne moći. Sva moć se crpela iz lokalnih uprava. Bilo je mogućnosti za to.
The next great stage, which all of you are so familiar with: the massive information revolution. Just consider this one fact: One hundred years ago, sending these 10 words cost 50 dollars. Right now, here we are linked up to Long Beach and everywhere else, and all these secret locations for a fraction of that cost, and we can send and receive huge quantities of information without it costing anything. So we're now living in a post-bureaucratic age, where genuine people power is possible.
Sladeća velika etapa, sa kojom ste svi vi upoznati, ogromna revolucija informacija. Uzmite u obzir ovu činjenicu: pre sto godina, slanje ovih 10 reči, koštalo je 50 dolara. Sada, evo nas, povezani smo do Long biča, i svuda okolo, sa svim tim tajnim lokacijama za delić te cene i možemo da šaljemo i primamo ogromne količine informacija bez ikakvih troškova. Stoga, mi sada živimo u dobu posle birokratije, gde je prava moć ljudi moguća.
Now, what does this mean for our politics, for our public services, for our government? Well I can't, in the time I've got, give huge numbers of examples, but let me just give a few of the ways that life can change. And this is so obvious, in a way, because you think about how all of you have changed the way we shop, the way we travel, the way that business is done. That is already happened; the information and Internet revolution has actually gone all the way through our societies in so many different ways, but it hasn't, in every way, yet touched our government.
Šta to znači za našu politiku, za naše javne sektore, za našu vladu? Nažalost, ne mogu, za vreme koje imam, da navedem veliki broj primera, ali navešću vam nekoliko načina na koje život može da se promeni. I ovo je toliko očigledno, na jedan način, jer razmislite o tome kako ste svi vi promenili način na koji kupujemo, putujemo, na koji se poslovi obavljaju. Ovo se već dogodilo; informaciona i internet revolucija je, u stvari, dospela do našeg društva na mnogo različitih načina, ali još uvek nije, na svaki način, dotakla našu vladu.
So, how could this happen? Well, I think there are three chief ways that it should make an enormous difference: in transparency, in greater choice and in accountability, in giving us that genuine people power. If we take transparency, here is one of my favorite websites, the Missouri Accountability Portal. In the old days, only the government could hold the information, and only a few elected people could try and grab that information and question it and challenge it. Now here, on one website, one state in America, every single dollar spent by that government is searchable, is analyzable, is checkable.
Pa, kako je ovo moguće? Mislim da postoje tri glavna načina koja bi mogla da naprave ogromnu razliku: transparentnost, veći izbor i odgovornost, nam mogu dati tu pravu moć ljudi. Da uzmemo transparentnost, evo jednog meni omiljenog sajta, Misuri portal za odgovornost. Ranije je samo vlada mogla da poseduje informacije i samo nekoliko odabranih ljudi je moglo da pokuša da dođe do tih informacija, da ih dovodi u pitanje i osporava. Ovde, sada, na ovom sajtu, u jednoj državi u Americi svaki dolar koji troši njihova vlada može da se nađe, analizira i proveri.
Think of the huge change that means: Any business that wants to bid for a government contract can see what currently is being spent. Anyone thinking, "I could do that service better, I could deliver it cheaper," it's all available there. We have only, in government and in politics, started to scratch the surface of what people are doing in the commercial world with the information revolution. So, complete transparency will make a huge difference. In this country, if we win the election, we are going to make all government spending over 25,000 pounds transparent and available online, searchable for anyone to see. We're going to make every contract -- we're announcing this today -- available on the Internet so anyone can see what the terms are, what the conditions are, driving huge value for money, but also huge increases, I believe, in well-being as well.
Zamislite veliku promenu koja znači: bilo koji posao koji želi da se nadmeće za ugovor sa vladom može videti šta se trenutno troši. Svakome ko misli: "Ja bih mogao tu uslugu pružiti bolje i za manje novca," tamo je sve dostupno. Mi smo, u vladi i politici, zagrebali površinu onoga što ljudi rade u komercijalnom svetu sa informacionom revolucijom. Stoga, potpuna transparencija će napraviti velike promene. U ovoj zemlji, ako dobijemo izbore, napravićemo sve vladine troškove veće od 25.000 funti transparentnim i dostupnim na internetu, pretražive za sve koji žele da ih vide. Mi ćemo učiniti svaki ugovor - objavljujemo ovo danas - dostupnim svima na internetu, da vide koji su uslovi, koje su pogodbe, upravljanje velikim vrednostima za novac ali i velikim porastima, verujem, u dobrobiti, takođe.
Choice. Now you all shop online, compare online, do everything online, and yet this revolution has hardly touched the surface of public services like education, or health care or policing, and you're going to see this change massively. We should be making this change with the information revolution in our country, with searchable health sites, so you can see what operations work out properly, what records doctors have, the cleanliness of hospitals, who does best at infection control -- all of the information that would once be locked in the Department of Health is now available for all of us to see.
Izbor. Sada svi kupujete na internetu, poredite, sve radite na internetu a opet, ova revolucija je tek dotakla površinu javnih sektora poput obrazovanja, zdravstva ili policije i vi ćete masovno svedočiti ovoj promeni. Trebalo bi da napravimo ovu promenu sa informacionom revolucijom u našoj zemlji, sa pretraživim medicinskim stranicama, da biste videli koje operacije su uspešne, kakva iskustva imaju doktori, koliko su čiste bolnice, ko ima najbolju kontrolu infekcije - sve informacije koje poseduje Ministarstvo zdravlja su sada dostupne svima nama.
And the third of these big changes: accountability. This, I think, is a huge change. It is a crime map. This is a crime map from Chicago. So, instead of having a situation where only the police have the information about which crimes are committed where, and we have to employ people in government to try and hold the police to account, suddenly, we've got this vast opportunity for people power, where we, as citizens, can see what crimes are being committed -- where, when and by whom -- and we can hold the police to account. And you can see this looks a bit like a chef's hat, but actually that's an assault, the one in blue. You can see what crime is committed where, and you have the opportunity to hold your police force to account. So those three ways -- transparency, accountability and choice -- will make a huge difference.
Treća velika promena: odgovornost. Ovo je, po mom mišljenju, ogromna promena. Ovo je mapa zločina. Mapa zločina iz Čikaga. Umesto da smo u situaciji u kojoj samo policija poseduje informacije o tome koji su zločini počinjeni i gde, mi moramo da zaposlimo ljude u vladi da pokušaju da zadrže policiju odgovornom iznenada, imamo ogromnu priliku za moć ljudi, gde mi, kao građani, možemo da vidimo koji su zločini počinjeni - gde, kada i ko ih je počinio - i možemo da držimo policiju odgovornom. Kao što možete videti, sve ovo je malo nepregledno, ali može se videti napad, ono plavo. Možete videti koji zločin je gde počinjen, i imate priliku da svoju policiju smatrate odgovornom. Stoga ta tri načina - transparentnost, odgovornost i izbor - će napraviti velike promene.
Now I also said the other principle that I think we should work on is understanding of people, is recognizing that going with the grain of human nature you can achieve so much more. Now, we're got a huge revolution in understanding of why people behave in the way that they do, and a great opportunity to put that knowledge and information to greater use. We're working with some of these people. We're being advised by some of these people, as was said, to try and bring all the experience to book.
Rekao sam, takođe, drugi princip na kojem, verujem, treba raditi, jeste razumevanje ljudi, prepoznavanjem suštine ljudske prirode možete postići mnogo više. Imamo pred sobom ogromnu revoluciju u razumevanju ljudi i njihovog ponašanja i veliku priliku da to znanje i informacije iskoristimo za veće stvari. MI radimo sa nekim od ovih ljudi. Neki od njih nas savetuju, kao što je rečeno, da pokušamo da zabeležimo svo stečeno iskustvo.
Let me just give you one example that I think is incredibly simple, and I love. We want to get people to be more energy efficient. Why? It cuts fuel poverty, it cuts their bills, and it cuts carbon emissions at the same time. How do you do it? Well, we've had government information campaigns over the years when they tell you to switch off the lights when you leave the home. We even had -- one government minister once told us to brush our teeth in the dark. I don't think they lasted very long. Look at what this does. This is a simple piece of behavioral economics. The best way to get someone to cut their electricity bill is to show them their own spending, to show them what their neighbors are spending, and then show what an energy conscious neighbor is spending. That sort of behavioral economics can transform people's behavior in a way that all the bullying and all the information and all the badgering from a government cannot possibly achieve. Other examples are recycling. We all know we need to recycle more. How do we make it happen? All the proof from America is that actually, if you pay people to recycle, if you give them a carrot rather than a stick, you can transform their behavior.
Evo jednog jednostavnog primera koji volim. Mi želimo da navedemo ljude da budu energetski efikasniji. Zašto? To smanjuje nedostatke goriva, smanjuje njihove račune, i emisiju ugljenika. Kako to uraditi? Imamo, tokom godina, vladine informativne kampanje koje vam govore da isključite svetla kada napuštate kuću. Imali smo čak - jedan ministar nam je jednom rekao da peremo zube u mraku. Mislim da to nije dugo trajalo. Pogledajte ovo. Ovo je jednostavan primer bihejvioralne ekonomije. Najbolji način da navedete nekoga da smanji račun za struju jeste da im pokažete koliko troše, da im pokažete koliko njihovi susedi troše, i onda da im pokažete koliko troši sused koji je svestan energije. Ta vrsta bihejvioralne ekonomije može promeniti ljudsko ponašanje na način na koji svo vladino maltretiranje i sve informacije i svo navaljivanje ne može da postigne. Drugi primer je reciklaža. Svi znamo da moramo više da recikliramo. Kako to da uradimo? Svi dokazi iz Amerike jesu da, ako platite ljudima da recikliraju ako im date nagradu umesto kazne, možete da promenite njihovo ponašanje.
So what does all this add up to? Here are my two favorite U.S. speeches of the last 50 years. Obviously, here we have JFK with that incredibly simple and powerful formulation, "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country," an incredibly noble sentiment. But when he made that speech, what could you do to build the stronger, better society? You could fight for your country, you could die for your country, you could serve in your country's civil service, but you didn't really have the information and the knowledge and the ability to help build the stronger society in the way that you do now.
Na šta se svodi sve ovo? Ovo su moja dva omiljena američka govora u poslednjih 50 godina. Očigledno, imamo Džona F. Kenedija sa neverovatno jednostavnom ali uticajnom formulacijom: "Ne pitaj šta može tvoja zemlja da uradi za tebe; pitaj šta ti možeš da uradiš za tvoju zemlju", izuzetno plemenita misao. Međutim, kada je održao govor, šta ste mogli da uradite da izgradte jače, bolje društvo? Mogli ste da se borite za svoju zemlju, da poginete za svoju zemlju. mogli ste da služite civilnu službu u zemlji, ali niste imali dostupne informacije i znanje i mogućnost da pomognete pri izgradnji jačeg društva, na način na koji imate danas.
And I think an even more wonderful speech, which I'm going to read a big chunk of, which sums up what I said at the beginning about believing there is more to life than money, and more that we should try and measure than money. And it is Robert Kennedy's beautiful description of why gross national product captures so little: It "does not allow for the health of our children, the quality of their education, or the joy of their play. It does not include the beauty of our poetry or the strength of our marriages, the intelligence of our public debate. It measures neither our wit nor our courage, neither our wisdom nor our learning, neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country. It measures everything, in short, except that which makes life worthwhile."
I, verujem, još lepši govor, od kojeg ću vam pročitati veći deo, koji sumira ono što sam rekao na početku, o verovanju da postoji nešto više u životu od novca i više toga što bi trebalo da vrednujemo, od novca. Izuzetan opis Roberta Kenedija zašto bruto nacionali proizvod zahvata tako malo: "Ne omogućava zdravlje naše dece, kvalitet njihovog obrazovanja i radost u njihovoj igri. Ne podrazumeva lepotu naše poezije ili stabilnost naših brakova, inteligenciju naših javnih debata. Ne meri ni naš smisao za humor ni našu hrabrost niti našu mudrost ili učenje, niti naše saosećanje ni našu posvećenost našoj zemlji. Meri sve, ukratko rečeno, osim onoga za šta vredi živeti."
Again, a sentiment that was so noble and beautifully put 40 years ago, and a beautiful dream 40 years ago, but now with the huge advances in information technology, with the massive changes in behavioral economics, with all that we know about how you advance well-being, that if we combine those insights of giving power to people, and using information to make that possible, and using the insight of going with the grain of human nature, while at the same time, understanding why people behave in the way they do, it is a dream more easy to realize today than it was when it was made in that beautiful speech 40 years ago.
Opet, misao tako plemenita i lepa, izneta pre 40 godina, divan san pre 40 godina, ali sada sa ogromnim prednostima u informacionim tehnologijama i masivnim promenama u bihejvioralnoj ekonomiji, sa svim što znamo o tome kako pospešiti dobrobit, ako udružimo ta shvatanja o davanju moći ljudima i korišćenju informacija da bi se to postiglo, i upotrebom shvatanja o razumevanju suštine ljudske prirode, dok u isto vreme razumemo zašto se ljudi ponašaju na način na koji se ponašaju, to je san koji je mnogo lakše ostvariti danas nego što je bilo pre 40 godina kada je ovaj divan govor bio održan.
Thank you. (Applause)
Hvala vam. (Aplauz.)